The life of George Washington, commander in chief of the American forces, during the war which established the independence of his country, and first president of the United States

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
AT LOS ANGELES

GIFT OF

Eugene E. Pr us sing

THE

LIFE

OF

GEORGE WASHINGTON,

COMMANDER IN CHIEF

OF THE

AMERICAN FORCES,

DURING THE WAR WHICH ESTABLISHED THE INDEPENDENCE
OF HIS COUNTRY,

AND

FIRST PRESIDENT

OF THE

UNITED STATES.

COMPILED
UNDER THE INSPECTION OF

THE HONOURABLE BUSHROD WASHINGTON,

FROM

ORIGINAL PAPERS

flEOJJEATHED TO HIM BY HIS DECEASED RELATIVE, AND NOW IN POSSESSION
OF THE AUTHOR.

TO WHICH IS PREFIXED,

AN INTRODUCTION,

CONTAINING

A COMPENDIOUS VIEW OF THE COLONIES PLANTED BY THE ENGLISH

ON THE

CONTINENT OF NORTH AMERICA,

FROM THEIR SETTLEMENT
TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF THAT WAR WHICH TERMINATED IN THE7JI

INDEPENDENCE.

BY JOHNlMARSHALL.

VOL. V.
PHILADELPHIA .-

PTITNTED AND PUBLISHED BY C. P. WAYNE.
1807.

DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA, TO WIT.

********* ^E IT REMEMBERED, that on the third day of
* January, in the twenty-ninth year of the Independence
J SEAL. * Of the United States of America, CALEB P. WAYNE,
of the said District, hath deposited in this Office the
Title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as Pro-
prietor, in the words following1, to wit:....

" The Life of George Washington, Commander in Chief of the
" American Forces, during the War which established the Indepen-
" dence of his country, and First President of the United States....
" Compiled under the inspection of the Honourable Bushrod Wash-
" ington, from original papers bequeathed to him by his deceased
" Relative, and now in possession of the Author. To which is pre-
*' fixed, an Introduction, containing a compendious View of the
" Colonies planted by the English on the Continent of North Ame-
" rica, from their settlement to the commencement of that war which
" terminated in their Independence. By JOHN MARSHALL."

In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States
entituled "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing- the
copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of
such copies during the times therein mentioned.. ..And also to the
Act entituled " An act Supplementary to an Act entituled " An act
for the encouragement of learning by securing the copies of maps,
charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies
during the times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits
thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical
and other prints."

D. CALDWELL, Clerk of the

District of Pennsylvania.

CONTENTS.

V.5

CHAPTER I.

After retiring to private life, general Washington devotes
his time to rural pursuits, to the duties of friendship, and
to institutions of public utility. ..Resolves of congress and
of the legislature of Virginia for erecting statues in
honour of him. ..Recommends the opening and improving
the inland navigation of the great rivers in Virginia.. .He
declines accepting a donation made to him by his native
state.. Establishment of the society of the Cincinnati, of
which he is elected president. ..The causes which led to a
change of the government of the United States... Letters
of general Washington to the governors of the several
states.

CHAPTER II.

Misunderstandings between Great Britain and the United
States. Mr Adams appointed to negotiate with the Bri-
tish cabinet. .Discontents of the Americans against the
commercial regulations of Britain.. Rise of parties in the
United States. ..The convention at Annapolis. ..Virginia
appoints deputies to meet those of the other states at Phil-
adelphia for the purpose of revising the federal system...
G. Washington chosen one of them... Insurrection in Mas-
sachussetts... Convention at Philadelphia.. .A form of gov-
ernment for the United States is submitted to the respective
states, which is ratified by eleven of them. ..Letters from
Gen. Washington respecting the chief magistracy of the
new government. .-He is unanimously elected president;.*
Meeting of the first congress.

279542

Jv CONTENTS.

CHAPTER III.

The election of Gen. Washington officially announced to
him...His departure for the seat of government. ..Marks
of respect and affection shown him on his journey. ..His in-
auguration and speech to congress.. .He forms a system of
conduct to be observed in his Intel-course with the world...
Letters from him on this and other subjects.. .Answer of
both houses of congress to the speech... Situation of the
United States at this period in their domestic and foreign
relations. ..Debates on the impost and tonnage bills. ..On the
president's power of removal from office. ..On the policy of
the secretary of the treasury reporting plans for the man-
agement of the revenue. ..On the style by which the presi-
dent should be addressed. ..Amendments to the constitu*
tion proposed by congress and ratified by the states...
Appointment of the officers of the cabinet, council, and of
the judges. ..Adjournment of the first session of congress
...The president visits the New England states. ..His recep-
tion...North Carolina accedes to the Union:

CHAPTER IV.

Meeting of the second session of the first congress. ...Presi-
dent's speech. ..Report of the secretary of the treasury of a
plan for the support of public credit... Debate thereon...
Bill for fixing the permanent seat of government... Adjourn-.
ment of congress... Treaty with the Creek Indians.. .The
United States in relations with Great Britain and Spain...
The president visits Mount Vernon... Third session of
congress. ..The president's speech.. .Debates on the excise
law.. .On a national bank. ..The opinions of the cabinet on
the constitutionality of this last law. ..Progress of parties...
War with the Indians.. .Defeat of Harmar... Adjourn ment
of congress.

CHAPTER V.

General St. Clair appointed commander in chief of the army
...The president makes a tour through the southern states
....Meeting of congress. ..President's speech....Debate on
the bill " for apportioning representatives among the

CONTENTS. v

people of the states according to the first enumeration"....
Militia law....Defeat of St. Clair....Opposition to the
increase of the army...Report of the secretary of the
treasury for raising additional supplies.. ..Congress ad-
journs....Strictures on the conduct of administration, with
a view of parties.. ..Disagreement between the secretaries
of state and treasury ..Letters from G. Washington on
this subject...Opposition to the excise law. ...President's
proclamation.. .Insurrection and massacre in the island of
St. Domingo.. .General Wayne appointed to the com-
mand of the army. ...Meeting of congress. ..President's
speech....Resolutions implicating the secretary of the
treasury rejected.. -Congress adjourns. . Progress of the
French revolution, and its effects on parties in the United
States.

CHAPTER VI.

G. Washington again unanimously elected president.. ..War
between Great Britain and France. ...Queries put by the
president to his cabinet in relation to the conduct proper to
be adopted by the American government in consequence
of this event.. ..Proclamation of neutrality. ..Arrival of Mr.
Genet as minister from France.. .His conduct.. ..Illegal
proceedings of the French cruisers., ..Opinions of the
cabinet in relation thereto. ...State of parties... .Democratic
societies formed. ..Genet calculates upon the partialities of
the American people for France, and openly insults their,
government.... Rules laid down by the executive in relation
to the powers at war within the ports of the United States
....The president requests the recall of Genet.. .British
order of 1793. ...Decree of the national convention relative
to neutral commerce.

CHAPTER VII-

Meeting of congress.-.President's speech, ..His message on
the subject of the foreign relations of the United States...
Report of the secretary of state in relation to the com-

YJ CONTENTS.

merce of the United States...He resigns.. .Is succeeded by
Mr Randolph.. .Mr. Madison's resolutions founded on the
above report. ..Debate thereon. ..Debates on the subject of a
navy.. .An embargo law.. Mr. Jay appointed envoy extraor-
dinary to Great Britain. ..Inquiry into the conduct of the
secretary of the treasury, terminates honourably to him...
Internal taxes laid. ..Congress adjourns.

CHAPTER VIII.

Genet recalled. ..Ts succeeded by Mr. Fauchet...Governeiij?
Morris recalled, and is succeeded by Mr. Monroe...
Kentucky remonstrance. ..Intemperate resolutions of the
people of that state. .General Wayne defeats the Indians
on the Miamis... Insurrection in the western parts of
Pennsylvania.. .Quelled by the prompt and vigorous mea-
sures of the government.. .Meeting of congress.. .President's
speech. ..Democratic societies ..Resignation of colonel
Hamilton. ..Is succeeded by Mr. Wolcot... Resignation of
general Knox...Is succeeded by colonel Pickering.. .Treaty
between the United States and Great Britain. ..Conditionally
ratified by the president.. The treaty unpopular in the
United States. ..Mr. Randolph resigns ..Is succeeded by
colonel Pickering. .Colonel M' Henry appointed secretary
at war.. .Charge against the president rejected.. .Treaty
with the Indians north west of the Ohio... Treaty with
Algiers.. .Treaty with Spain. ..Meeting of congress. ..Pre-
sident's speech. ..Mr. Adet succeeds Mr. Fauchet...The
house of representatives call upon the president for papers
relating to the treaty with Great Britain... He declines *
sending them. .-Debates upon the treaty making power...
Upon the bill for making appropriations to carry into
execution the treaty with Great Britain. ..Congress adjourns
„ ...The president endeavours to procure the liberation of
La Fayette.

CHAPTER IX.

Letter from general Washington to Mr. Jefferson...Hostile
measures of France against the United States.. .Mr. Monroe
recalled and general Pinckney appointed to succeed him

CONTENTS. vji

...General Washington's valedictory address to the people
of the United States, in which he declines being considered
as a candidate for the presidency. ..The minister of France
endeavours to influence the approaching election. ..The
president's speech to congress.. He denies the authenticity
of certain spurious letters published as his in 1776.. .John
Adams elected president, and Thomas Jefferson vice pre-
sident...General Washington retires to Mount Vernon...
Political situation of the United States at this period. ..The
French government refuses to receive general Pinckney
as minister.. Congress is convened. ..President's speech...
Three envoys extraordinary deputed to negotiate with
France. ..Their treatment.. .Measures of hostility adopted
by the American government against France. ..General
Washington appointed commander in chief of the Ameri-
can army... His death.. .And character.

LIFE

OF

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

CHAPTER I.

After retiring to private life, general Washington devotes
his time to rural pursuits, to the duties of friendship, and
to institutions of public utility.. ..Resolves of congress and
of the legislature of Virginia for erecting statues in
honour of him.. ..Recommends the opening and improving
the inland navigation of the great rivers in Virginia.. ..He
declines accepting a donation made to him by his native
state. ...Establishment of the society of the Cincinnati, of
which he is elected president.. ..The causes which led to a
change of the government of the United States. ...Letters
of general Washington to the governors of the several
states.

1 O a mind inflamed by ambition, or corrupted
by the love of power, it will appear impossible
that the late commander in chief could have
descended, without reluctance, from the exalted
station which he had filled so long, and with so
much glory. But the actions of Washington had
never been influenced by selfish motives. To
preserve the liberties of his country his sword had
been drawn, and to establish her independence he
had remained at the head of her armies. These
VOL. v. B

2 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. objects being achieved, he could resign the
1783 supreme command without a sigh, and withdraw
J787. from office without regret. The practicability of
perpetuating his authority created no illegitimate
desires, nor did a near view of all that could
tempt the human heart seduce him for an instant
from the path of integrity. No candidate for
supreme power ever anticipated more delight
from the accomplishment of his utmost wishes,
than did the American general from returning to
private life. Y" The scene" said he in a letter to

<~. « • • i i r i • •

governor Clinton written three days after his arri-

c

v^ at Mount Venion, " is at length closed. I feel
myself eased of a load of public care, and hope
to spend the remainder of my days in cultivating

*

. tjie affections of good men, and in the practice
of the domestic virtues." His numerous letters
of that date evince the perfect contentment which
accompanied him in his retirement. " At length
my dear marquis" said he to his noble and highly
valued friend, La Fayette, " I have become a
private citizen on the banks of the Potomac ; and
under the shadow of my own vine, and my own
fig tree, free from the bustle of a camp, and the
busy scenes of public life, I am solacing myself
with those tranquil enjoyments, of which the
soldier who is ever in pursuit of fame... the
statesman whose watchful days and sleepless
nights are spent in devising schemes to promote
the welfare of his own. ..perhaps the ruin of other
countries, as if this globe was insufficient for us
all... and the courtier who is always watching the
countenance of his prince in the hope of catching

GEORGE WASHINGTON. ;

a gracious smile. ..can have very little conception. CHAP. i.
I have not only retired from all public employ. ]783
ments, but am retiring within myself, and shall ir'gr>
be able to view the solitary walk, and tread the
paths of private life, with heartfelt satisfaction.
Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased
with all; and this, my dear friend, being the
order of my march, I will move gently down the
stream of life, until I sleep with my fathers."

But a mind accustomed to labour for a nation's
welfare, does not immediately divest itself of
ancient habits. Though incapable of a wish for
personal aggrandizement, that custom of thinking
on public affairs, and that solicitude respecting
them, which belong to the patriot in office,
follow him into his retreat. In a letter to general
Knox, written soon after his resignation, general
Washington thus expressed the feelings attendant
upon this sudden transition from public to private
pursuits. "I am just beginning to experience
the ease and freedom from public cares, which,
however desirable, takes some time to realize :
for strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless
true, that it was not until lately I could get the
better of my usual custom of ruminating, as soon
as I awoke in the morning, on the business of
the ensuing day ; and of my surprise at finding,
after revolving many things in my mind, that I
was no longer a public man, or had any thing
to do with public transactions. I feel now
however, as I conceive a wearied traveller must
do, who, after treading many a painful step with
a heavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of the

2

THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. latter, having reached the haven to which all the

irss former were directed ; and from his house-top is
1787. looking back, and tracing with an eager eye, the
meanders by which he escaped the quick-sands
and mires which lay in his way, and into which
none but the all powerful Guide and Dispenser of
human events could have prevented his falling."
For several months after reaching Mount
Vernon, almost every day brought him the ad-
dresses of an affectionate and grateful people.
The glow of expression in which the high sense
universally entertained of his services was con-
veyed, manifested a warmth of feeling seldom
equalled in the history of man. It is worthy of
remark, that this unexampled tribute of applause
made no impression on the unassuming modesty
of his character and deportment. The same firm-
ness of mind, the same steady and well tempered
judgment, which had guided him through the
most perilous seasons of the war, still regulated
his conduct ; and the enthusiastic applauses of an
admiring nation appeared only to cherish senti-
ments of gratitude, and to give greater activity
to the desire still further to contribute to the pros-
perity of his country. It was not by addresses
' nd onty tnat tne attachment of the public was mani-
fested. After peace had been proclaimed, con-
press had unanimously passed a resolution for the

statues in *->

honour ot erection of an equestrian statue of their general,*

* " Resolved that the statue be of bronze: the general
to be represented in a Roman dress, holding a truncheon in
his right hand, and his head encircled with a laurel wreath.
The statue to be supported by a marble pedestal on which

an

o?'8"
'

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5

at the place which should be established for the CHAP, i.
residence of the government.

The legislature of Virginia too, at their first
session after his resignation, passed the following
resolution.*

" Resolved that the executive be requested to
take measures for procuring a statue of general
Washington, to be of the finest marble and best
workmanship, with the following inscription on
its pedestal.

" The general assembly of the common-
wealth of Virginia have caused this statue to be
erected as a monument of affection and gratitude
to GEORGE WASHINGTON, who, uniting to
the endowments of the HERO, the virtues of the
PATRIOT, and exerting both in establishing

are to be represented, in basso relievo, the following principal
events of the war, in which general Washington commanded
in person: the evacuation of Boston:. ..the capture of the
Hessians at Trenton:. ..the battle of Princeton:. ..the action of
Monmouth:...and the surrender of York.. ..On the upper part
of the front of the pedestal to be engraved as follows: the
United States in congress assembled, ordered this statue to
be erected in the year of our Lord 1783, in honour of George
Washington, the illustrious commander in chief of the
armies of the United States of America, during the war
which vindicated and secured their liberty, sovereignty and
independence.

* This resolution has been carried into execution. The
statue it ordained now stands in the capitol of Virginia, in a
spacious area in the centre of the building. A Bust of
the marquis de la Fayette, which was also directed by the
legislature, is placed in a niche of the wall in the same part
of the building.

6 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. the liberties of his country, has rendered his name
1783 dear to his fellow citizens, and given the world
1787. an immortal example of true glory."

Although the toils of general Washington were
no longer exhibited to the public ej^e, his time
continued to be usefully employed. Among the
most valuable of those sources from which were
to be drawn the future prosperity and happiness
of America, he had ever placed the judicious
cultivation of the earth. Nothing could be more
wretched than the general state of agriculture
south of the Susquehanna. To its melioration by
examples which might be followed, and by the
introduction of systems adapted to the soil, the
climate, and to the situation of the people, the
energies of his active and intelligent mind were
now in a great degree directed.

No improvement of the implements to be used
on a farm, no valuable experiments in husbandry,
escaped his attention. His inquiries, which were
equally minute and comprehensive, extended
beyond the limits of his own country ; and he
engaged in a correspondence on this interesting
subject with some distinguished foreigners, among
whom, was the justly celebrated Arthur Young,
the utility of whose labours has not been confined
to the British empire.

Mingled with this favourite pursuit, were the
multiplied avocations resulting from the high
office he had lately filled. He was engaged in an
extensive correspondence with the friends most
dear to his heart... the foreign and American offi-
cers who had served under him during the late

GEORGE WASHINGTON. y

war, and with almost every conspicuous political CHAP. i.
character of his own, and with many of other 1733
countries. Literary men also were desirous of
obtaining his approbation of their works, and his
attention was solicited to every production of
American genius. His fellow citizens who were
about to travel, and who could make the request,
were anxious to receive from general Washington
some testimonial of their worth ; and all those
strangers of distinction who visited this newly
created empire, were ambitious of being pre-
sented to its founder. Among those who were
drawn across the Atlantic by curiosity, and perhaps
by a desire to observe the progress of the popular
governments which were instituted in this new
world, was Mrs. Macauley Graham. By the prin-
ciples contained in her history of the Stuarts,
this lady had acquired much reputation in repub-
lican America, and she was received every where
with marked attentions. For the sole purpose of
paying her respects to a person whose fame had
spread over Europe, she paid a visit to Mount
Vernon^; and if her letters may be credited, the
exalted opinion she had formed of its proprietor,
was "not diminished by a personal acquaintance
with him.''

To these occupations which w^ere calculated to
gratify an intelligent mind, or which derived a
value from the indulgence they afforded to the
feelings of the heart, were unavoidably added
others, in the composition of which, no palatable
ingredient was intermixed. Of these unwelcome
intrusions upon his time, general Washington

8 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, i, thus complained to an intimate military friend.
1783 "It is not my dear sir, the letters of my friends
irsr. which give me trouble, or add aught to my per-
plexity. I receive them with pleasure, and pay
as much attention to them as my avocations will
permit.... It is references to old matters with which
I have nothing to do '....applications which often
times cannot be complied with;... inquiries, to
satisfy which would employ the pen of a historian ;
...letters of compliment, as unmeaning perhaps as
they are troublesome, but which must be attended
to ;...andthe common place business ;... which em-
ploy my pen and my time, often disagreeably.
Indeed, these, with company, deprive me of ex-
ercise ; and, unless I can obtain relief, must be
productive of disagreeable consequences. Already
I begin to feel their effects. Heavy and painful
oppressions of the head, and other disagreeable
sensations often trouble me. I am determined
therefore to employ some person who shall ease
me of the drudgery of this business. At any rate,
if the whole of it is thereby suspended, I am de-
termined to use exercise. My private affairs also
require infinitely more attention than I have given,
or can give them, under present circumstances.
They can no longer be neglected without involv-
ing my ruin.

"This, my d.ear sir, is a friendly communi-
cation. I give it in testimony of my unreserv-
edness with you, and not for the purpose of
discouraging your letters ; for be assured, that to
correspond with those I love is among my highest
gratifications ; and I persuade myself you will not

GEORGE WASHINGTON. g

doubt my sincerity, when I assure you, that I CHAP. i.
place you among the foremost of this class. Letters
of friendship require no study. The communi-
cations they contain flow with ease ; and allowances
are expected and are made. But this is not the
case with those which require research, consid-
eration, and recollection."

It was some time after the date of this letter
before he could introduce into his family a young
gentleman, whose education and manners enabled
him, at the same time, to fill the station of a private
secretary and of a friend.

This multiplicity of private avocations could
not entirely withdraw the mind of Washington
from objects tending to promote and secure the
public happiness. Though his resolution never
again to appear in the busy scenes of political
life was believed by himself, and by his bosom
friends to be unalterable, it was impossible that he
should become regardless of those measures which
must inevitably produce consequences infinitely
interesting to his country.

To a person looking beyond the present mo-
ment, and taking the future into view, it was
only necessary to glance over the map of the
United States, to be impressed with the incalcu-
lable importance of connecting the western with
the eastern territory, by facilitating the means of
intercourse between them. To this subject, the
attention of general Washington had been in some
measure directed in the early part of his life.
While the American states were yet British
colonies, he had obtained the passage of a bill

VOL. v. c

10 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. empowering those individuals who would engage
1783 in the work, to open the Potomac so as to render
*t navigable from tide water to Wills creek.*
The river James had also been comprehended in
this plan ; and he had triumphed so far over the
opposition produced by local interests and preju-
dices, that the business was in a train which
promised success, when the revolutionary war
diverted the attention of its patrons, and of all
America, from internal improvements to the great
objects of liberty and independence. As that
war approached its termination, subjects which
for a time had yielded their pretensions to con-
sideration, reclaimed that place to which their
real magnitude entitled them ; and the internal
navigation again attracted the attention of the wise
and thinking part of society. Accustomed to
contemplate America as his country, and to con-
sider with solicitude the interests of the whole,
Washington now took a more enlarged view of the
advantages to be derived from opening both the
eastern and the western waters ; and for this, as
well as for other purposes, after peace had been
proclaimed, he traversed the western parts of
New England and New York. " I have lately,"
said he in a letter to the marquis of Chastellux, a
foreigner, who was in pursuit of literary as well
as of military fame, "made a tour through the
lakes George and Champlain as far as Crown point ;
...then returning to Schenectady, I proceeded up
the Mohawk river to fort Schuyler, crossed over
to Wood creek which empties into the Oneida
lake, and affords the water communication with

* About one hundred and fifty miles.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Ontario. I then traversed the country to the head CHAP. i.
of the eastern branch of the Susquehanna, and 1733
viewed the lake Otswego, and the portage between
that lake and the Mohawk river at Conajohario.
Prompted by these actual observations, I could
not help taking a more contemplative and exten-
sive view of the vast inland navigation of these
United States, and could not but be struck with
the immense diffusion and importance of it ; and
with the goodness of that Providence which has
dealt his favours to us with so profuse a hand.
Would to God we may have wisdom enough to
improve them. I shall not rest contented until I
have explored the western country, and traversed
those lines (or great part of them) which have
given bounds to a new empire."

Scarcely had he answered those spontaneous
offerings of the heart, which, on retiring from the
head of the army, flowecl in upon him from every
part of a grateful nation, when his views were
once more seriously turned to this truly interesting
subject. Its magnitude was also impressed on
others ; and the value of obtaining the aid which
his influence and active interference would afford
to any exertions for giving this direction to
the public mind, and for securing the happy
execution of the plan which might be devised,
was perceived by all those who attached to the
great work a sufficient degree of importance, and
who were anxious for its success. In a letter
from a gentleman* who had taken an expanded

* Mr. Jefferson.
c 2

J2 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. view of the subject, who felt an ardent wish for
1783 its accomplishment, and who relied on funds to
1787. k£ advanced by the public for its execution, a
detailed statement of his ideas was thus concluded.
"But a most powerful objection always arises
to propositions of this kind. It is, that public
undertakings are carelessly managed, and much
money spent to little purpose. To obviate this
objection is the purpose of my giving you the
trouble of this discussion. You have retired from
public life. You have weighed this determination,
and it would be impertinence in me to touch it.
But would the superintendance of this work break
in too much on the sweets of retirement and
repose ? If they would, I stop here. Your future
time and wishes are sacred in my eye. If it
would be only a dignified amusement to you,
what a monument of your retirement would it
be ! It is one which would follow that of your
public life, and bespeak it the work of the same
great hand. I am confident, that would you either
alone, or jointly with any persons you think
proper, be willing to direct this business, it
would remove the only objection, the weight of
which I apprehend."

In the beginning of the autumn of 1784, general
Washington made a tour as far west as Pittsburgh;
after returning from which, his first moments of
leisure were devoted to the task of engaging his
countrymen in a work which appeared to him to
merit still more attention from its political, than
from its commercial influence on the union. In
a long and interesting letter to Mr. Harrison,

GEORGE WASHINGTON. ^

then governor of Virginia, he detailed the advan- CHAP. i.

tages which might be derived from opening the 1733
great rivers, the Potomac and the James, as j^g^
high as should be practicable. After stating with Recommends

1 . i IT ii the opening

his accustomed exactness the distances, and tne?ndj«f«|pr-

ing the inland

difficulties to be surmounted in bringing the trade "^J1^" ot
of the west to different points on the Atlantic, hevirgLiL
expressed unequivocally the opinion, that the rivers
of Virginia afforded a more convenient, and a more
direct course than could be found elsewhere,
for that rich and increasing commerce. This
was strongly urged as a motive for immediately
commencing the work. But the rivers of the
Atlantic constituted only a part of the great plan.
he contemplated. He suggested the appointment
of commissioners of integrity and abilities, exempt
from the suspicion of prejudice, whose duty it
should be, after an accurate examination of the
James and the Potomac, to search out the nearest
and best portages between those waters and the
streams capable of improvement, which run into
the Ohio. Those streams were to be accurately sur-
veyed, the impediments to their navigation ascer-
tained, and their relative advantages examined.
The navigable waters west of the Ohio, towards
the great lakes, were also to be traced to their
sources, and those which empty into the lakes
to be followed to their mouths. "These things
being done, and an accurate map of the whole
presented to the public, he was persuaded that
reason would dictate what was right and proper."
For the execution of this latter part of his plan
he had also much reliance on congress; and

14 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. r. in addition to the general advantages to be drawn
from the measure, he laboured, in his letters to the
members of that body, to establish the opinion,
that the surveys he recommended would add to
the revenue, by enhancing the value of the lands
offered for sale. " Nature," he said. " had made
such an ample display of her bounties in those
regions, that the more the country was explored,
the more it would rise in estimation."

The assent and co-operation of Maryland being
indispensable to the improvement of the Poto-
mac, he was equally earnest in his endeavours to
impress a conviction of its superior advantages on
influential individuals in that state. In doing so,
he detailed the measures which would unques-
tionably be adopted by New York and Pennsyl-
vania, for acquiring the monoply of the western
commerce, and the difficulty which would be
found in diverting it from the channel it had once
taken. " I am not," he added, " for discouraging
the exertions of any state to draw the commerce
of the western country to its sea ports. The
more communications we open to it, the closer
we bind that rising world, (for indeed it may
be so called) to our interests, and the greater
strength shall we acquire by it. Those to whom
nature affords the best communication, will, if
they are wise, enjoy the greatest share of the
trade. All I would be understood to mean,
therefore, is, that the gifts of Providence may not
be neglected."

But the light in which this subject would be
viewed with most interest, and which gave to it

GEORGE WASHINGTON. J

most importance, was its political influence on CHAP. i.

the union. " I need not remark to you sir," said 1783
he in his letter to the governor of Virginia, " that
the flanks and rear of the United States are pos-
sessed by other powers,... and formidable ones
too : nor need I press the necessity of applying
the cement of interest to bind all parts of the
union together by indissoluble bonds, ...especially
of binding that part of it which lies immediately
west of us, to the middle states. For what
ties, let me ask, should we have upon those
people, how entirely unconnected with them shall
we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend,
if the Spaniards on their right, and Great Britain
on their left, instead of throwing impediments in
their way as they now do, should hold out lures
for their trade and alliance ? when they get
strength, which will be sooner than most people
conceive, what will be the consequence of their
having formed close commercial connexions with
both, or either of those powers ? it needs not in
my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell.

"The western settlers (I speak now from my
own observations) stand as it were, upon a pivot.
The touch of a feather would turn them any way.
Until the Spaniards (very unwisely as I think)
threw difficulties in their way, they looked down
the Mississippi,... and they looked that way for no
other reason than because they could glide gently
down the stream ; without considering perhaps
the fatigues of the voyage back again, and the
time necessary for its performance; and because
they have no other means of coming to us but

IQ THE LIFE OF

CHAP. r. by a long land transportation through unimproved

1783 roads." Letters of the same import were also
1787. addressed to the governor of Maryland, and to
other gentlemen in that state. To a member of
the national legislature, he observed, " there is
a matter which, though it does not come before
congress wholly, is in my opinion of great poli-
tical importance, and ought to be attended to in
time. It is to prevent the trade of the western
territory from settling in the hands either of the
Spaniards or British. If either of these happen,
there is a line of separation drawn between the
eastern and western country at once, the conse-
quences of which may be fatal. To tell any man
of i nformation how fast the latter is settling, how
much more rapidly it will settle by means of
foreign emigrants who can have no particular
predilection for us, of the vast fertility of the
soil, of the population to which the country is
competent, would be unnecessary ; and equally
unnecessary would it be to observe, that it is by the
cement of interest alone we can be held together.
If then the trade of that country should flow
through the Mississippi or the St. Lawrence ; if
the inhabitants thereof should form commercial
connexions, which we know lead to inter-
courses of other kinds, they would in a few
years be as unconnected with us, as are those of
South America.

" It may be asked how are we to prevent this ?
Happily for us the way is plain. Our immediate
interests, as well as remote political advantages,
point to it; whilst a combination of circum-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 17

stances render the present time more favourable CHAP. i.
than any other to accomplish it. Extend the \r%3
inland navigation of the eastern waters ;... com- ^g/.
municate them as near as possible with those
which run westward;... open these to the Ohio;...
open also such as extend from the Ohio towards
lake Erie;... and we shall not only draw the
produce of the western settlers, but the peltry
and furr trade of the lakes also, to our ports ; thus
adding an immense increase to our exports, and
binding those people to us by a chain which never
can be broken."

The letter to the governor was communicated
to the assembly of Virginia, and the internal
improvements it recommended were zealously
advocated by the wisest and most influential mem-
bers of that body. While the subject remained
undecided, general Washington, accompanied by
the marquis de La Fayette, who had crossed the
Atlantic, and had devoted a part of his time to
the delights of an enthusiastic friendship, paid a
visit to the capital of the state. Never was recep-
tion more cordial, or more demonstrative of res.
pect and affection, than was given to these beloved
personages. But amidst the display of addresses
and of entertainments which were produced by
the occasion, the great business of promoting
the internal improvements then in contemplation,
was not forgotten ; and the ardor of the moment
was seized to conquer those objections to the
plan, which yet lingered in the bosoms of those
who could perceive in it no future advantages to
compensate for the present expense.

VOL. V. D

^g THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. An exact conformity between the acts of Vir-
irss ginia and of Maryland, being indispensable to the
J787 improvement of the Potomac, the friends of the
measure deemed it advisable to avail themselves
of the same influence with the latter state, which
had been successfully employed with the former;
and a resolution was passed, soon after the return
of general Washington to Mount Vernon, re-
questing him* to attend the legislature of Mary-
land, in order to agree on a bill which might
receive the sanction of both states. This agree-
ment being happily completed, the bills were
enacted under which, works, capable of being
rendered the most extensively beneficial of any
thing yet attempted in the United States, have
been nearly accomplished.

These acts were succeeded by one, which con-
veys the liberal wishes of the legislature, with a
delicacy scarcely less honourable to its framers,
than to him who was its object. The treasurer
had been instructed to subscribe, in behalf of the
state, for a specified number of shares in each
company. Just at the close of the session, when
no refusal of their offer could be communicated
to them, a bill was suddenly brought in, which
received the unanimous assent of both houses,
authorizing the treasurer to subscribe for the
benefit of general Washington, the same number
of shares in each company as were to be taken
for the state. To the enacting clause of this bill

* General Gates was associated with him in the mission.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. j

was prefixed a preamble* in which its greatest CHAP. i.
value consisted. With simple elegance, it mani-
fested to the world, that in seizing this occasion,
to make a donation which would in some degree
testify their sense of the merits of their most
favoured and most illustrious citizen, the donors
would themselves be the obliged. However
delightful might be the sensations produced by
this delicate and flattering testimony of the affec-
tion of his fellow citizens, it was not without its
embarrassments. From his early resolution to
receive no pecuniary compensation for his ser-
vices, he could not be persuaded to depart, and
yet this mark of the gratitude and attachment of
his country, could not easily be rejected without
furnishing occasion for sentiments he was un-
willing to excite. To the friend who conveyed
to him the first intelligence of this bill, his diffi-
culties were thus expressed.

"It is not easy for me to decide by which my He declines

. i „, i • n accepting a

mind was most anected upon the receipt of your donjon

• made to him

letter of the sixth instant,... surprise, or gratitude. JyJJ1 native
Both were greater than I had words to express.

* It is in these words ; " whereas it is the desire of the
representatives of this commonwealth to embrace every
suitable occasion of testifying their sense of the unexampled
merits of George Washington, esquire, towards his country,
and it is their wish in particular that those great works for
its improvement, which both as springing from the liberty
which he has been so instrumental in establishing, and as
encouraged by his patronage, will be durable monuments of
his glory, may be made monuments also of the gratitude of
his country. Be it enacted Sec."

D 2

0 THE LIFE OF

:HAP. i. The attention and good wishes which the assembly
1783 has evidenced by their act for vesting in me one

17*87. hundred and fifty shares in the navigation of the
rivers Potomac and James, is more than mere
compliment.... There is an unequivocal and sub-
stantial meaning annexed. But, believe me sir,
no circumstance has happened since I left the
walks of public life which has so much embar-
rassed me. On the one hand, I consider this
act, as I have already observed, as a noble and
unequivocal proof of the good opinion, the affec-
tion, and disposition of my country to serve me;
and I should be hurt, if by declining the accept-
ance of it, my refusal should be construed into
disrespect, or the smallest slight upon the gener-
ous intention of the legislature ; or that an osten-
tatious display of disinterestedness, or public
virtue, was the source of refusal.

"On the other hand, it is really my wish to
have my mind and my actions, which are the result
of reflection, as free and independent as the air,
that I may be more at liberty (in things which
my opportunities and experience have brought
«me to the knowledge of) to express my senti-
ments, and if necessary, to suggest what may
occur to me, under the fullest conviction that
although my judgment may be arraigned, there
will be no suspicion that sinister motives had the
smallest influence in the suggestion. Not content
then with the bare consciousness of my having
in all this navigation business, acted upon the
clearest conviction of the political importance of
•the measure, I would wish that every individual

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 21

who may hear that it was a favourite plan of CHAP. i.
mine, may know also, that I had no other motive 1788
for promoting it, than the advantage of which I
conceived it would be productive to the union at
large, and to this state in particular, by cementing
the eastern and western territory together, at the
same time that it will give vigor and increase
to our commerce, and be a convenience to our
citizens.

" How would this matter be viewed then by
the eye of the world, and what opinion would be

formed when it comes to be related that G

W n exerted himself to effect this work,

and that G W n has received twenty

thousand dollars* and^? thousand pounds sterling
of the public money as an interest therein? would
not this (if I am entitled to any merit for the part
I have performed, and without it there is no foun-
dation for the act) deprive me of the principal
thing which is laudable in my conduct ? would it
not in some respects be considered in the same
light as a pension ? and would not the appre-
hension of this induce me to offer my sentiments
in future with the more reluctance ? In a word,
under whatever pretence, and however customary
these gratuities may be in other countries, should
I not thenceforward be considered as a dependent?
one moment's thought of which would give me
more pain than I should receive pleasure from
the product of all the tolls, was every farthing of
them vested in me."

At length, after mature deliberation, general
Washington determined, in the same letter which

22 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. should convey his resolution not to retain the
1783 shares for his private emolument, to signify his

17sV. willingness to hold them in trust for such public
institution as the legislature should approve. The
following letter conveyed this resolution to the
general assembly, through the governor of the
state.

" Sir (October, 1785.)

" Your excellency having been pleased
to transmit me a copy of the act appropriating to
my benefit certain shares in the companies for
opening the navigation of James and Potomac
rivers ; I take the liberty of returning to the
general assembly through your hands, the pro-
found and grateful acknowledgments inspired
by so signal a mark of their beneficent intentions
towards me.... I beg you sir to assure them, that
I am filled on this occasion with every sentiment
which can flow from a heart, warm with love for
my country, sensible to every token of its appro-
bation and affection, and solicitous to testify in
every instance a respectful submission to its
wishes.

" With these sentiments in my bosom, I need
not dwell on the anxiety I feel in being obliged,
in this instance, to decline a favour which is
rendered no less flattering by the manner in which
it is conveyed, than it is affectionate in itself....
In explaining this, I pass over a comparison of
my endeavours in the public service, with the
many honourable testimonies of approbation which
have already so far over rated, and over paid
them. ...reciting one consideration only which

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 2

supersedes the necessity of recurring to every CHAP. i.
other. 1783

" When I was first called to the station with
which I was honoured during the late conflict for
our liberties, to the diffidence which I had so many
reasons to feel in accepting it, I thought it my
duty to join a firm resolution to shut my hand
against every pecuniary recompense. To this
resolution I have invariably adhered, and from it
(if I had the inclination) I do not consider myself
at liberty now to depart.

"Whilst I repeat therefore my fervent acknow-
ledgments to the legislature, for their very kind
sentiments and intentions in my favour, and at
the same time beg them to be persuaded that
a remembrance of this singular proof of their
goodness towards me, will never cease to cherish
returns of the warmest affection and gratitude,..*
I must pray that their act, so far as it has for its
object my personal emolument, may not have its
effect; but if it should please the general assembly
to permit me to turn the destination of the fund
vested in me, from my private emolument, to
objects of a public nature, it will be my study,
in selecting these, to prove the sincerity of my
gratitude for the honour conferred upon me, by
prefering such as may appear most subservient to
the enlightened and patriotic views of the legis-
lature."

The wish suggested in this letter, immediately
received the full sanction of the legislature ; and
at a subsequent time, the trust was executed by
conveying the shares respectively to the use of a

24 'I'HE LIFE OF

CHAP, i. seminary of learning established in the vicinity

1783 of each river.

1787. General Washington felt too strong an interest
in the success of these works, to refuse the presi-
dency of the companies instituted for their com-
pletion. In conducting the affairs of the Potomac
company, he took an active part : to that formed
for opening the navigation of the James, he could
only give his counsel. These were not the only
institutions which occasionally drew the farmer
of Mount Vernon from his retreat, and continued
him in the public view.

Of the sentiments with which the officers of the
American army contemplated a final separation
from each other, those only can be incapable of
forming an idea, who are strangers to the choicest
feelings of the human heart. Companions in
virtuous suffering, in danger, and in glory ; at-
tached to each other by common exertions made
in a severe struggle for the attainment of a common
object ; to part forever, they deemed a calamity
too affecting to be supported. The means of
perpetuating those friendships which had been
formed, and of renewing that endearing social
intercourse which had taken place in camp, were
universally desired. Perhaps too that esprit dc
corps which, identifying the individual with the
community, transfers to the aggregate of the so-
ciety a portion of that self love which is felt by
every private person, and which inspires the mem-
bers with a repugnance to the dissolution of the
political, not unlike in effect to that which is
excited at the dissolution of the natural body, was

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 25

not without its influence in suggesting some ex- CHAP. i.
pedient which might preserve the memory of 1783
the army, while it cheered the officers who were \^.
on the point of separating, with the hope that the
separation would not be eternal : that at distant
intervals, they might still communicate with each
other : that the bonds by which they were con--
nected would not be totally dissolved : and that
for many beneficial purposes, the patriots of the
American army would still form one great society.
This idea was suggested by general Knox, and
matured in a meeting composed of the generals,
and of deputies from the regiments, at which
major general the baron Steuben presided. An
agreement was then entered into, by which the
officers were to constitute themselves into one
society of friends, to endure as long as they
should endure, or any of their eldest male pos-
terity ; and in failure thereof, any collateral
branches who might be judged worthy of be-
coming its supporters and members, were to be
admitted into it. To mark their veneration for Establish.
that celebrated Roman between whose situation society of the

Cincinnati,

and their own they found some similitude, they?fTrhi<*hc

• J is elected

were to be denominated, "the society of thepresident*
Cincinnati." Individuals of the respective states,
distinguished for their patriotism and abilities,
might be admitted as honorary members for life,
provided their numbers should at no time exceed
a ratio of one to four.

The society was to be designated by a medal of
gold representing the American eagle bearing on
its breast the devices of the order, which was to

VOL. v. E

26 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. be suspended by a deep blue ribbon edged with
1783 white, descriptive of the union of America and
lYsr. France. To the ministers who had represented his
most Christian majesty at Philadelphia, to the ad-
mirals who had commanded in the American seas,
to the count de Rochambeau, and the generals
md colonels of the French troops who had served
in the United States, the insignia of the order were
to be presented ; and they were to be invited to
consider themselves as members of the society,
at the head of which the commander in chief was
respectfully solicited to place his name. An in-
cessant attention on the part of the members to
the preservation of the exalted rights and liberties
of human nature for which they had fought and
bled, and an unalterable determination to promote
and cherish between the respective states, union
and national honour, were declared to be the im-
mutable principles of the society ; audits objects
were, to perpetuate the remembrance of the Ame-
rican revolution, as well as cordial affection and
the spirit of brotherly kindness among the officers ;
and to extend acts of beneficence to those officers
and their families, whose situation might require
assistance. To give effect to the charitable object
of the institution, a common fund was to be
created by the deposit of one month's pay on the
part of every officer becoming a member : the
product of which fund, after defraying certain
necessary charges, was to be sacredly appropriated
to this humane purpose.

The military gentlemen of each state were to
constitute a distinct society, deputies from which

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 27

were to assemble triennially, in order to form a CHAP, i
general meeting for the regulation of general
concerns.

Without experiencing any open opposition, this
institution was carried into complete effect ; and
its honours, especially by the foreign officers,
were sought with great avidity. But soon after it
was organized, those jealousies which in its first
moments had been concealed, burst forth into
open view. In October 1783, a pamphlet was
published by Mr. Burk of South Carolina, for
the purpose of rousing the apprehensions of the
public, and of directing its resentments against
the society. Perceiving in the Cincinnati the
foundation of a hereditary order, whose base, from
associating with the military the chiefs of the
powerful families in each state, would acquire a
degree of solidity and strength admitting of any
superstructure, he pourtrayed, in that fervid and
infectious language which is the genuine offspring
of passion, the dangers to result from the fabric
which would be erected on it. The ministers of
the United States too in Europe, and the political
theorists who cast their eyes towards the west
for support to favourite systems, having the pri-
vileged orders constantly in view, were loud in
their condemnations of an institution from which
a race of nobles was expected to spring. Through-
out every state the alarm was spread, and a high
degree of jealousy pervaded the mass of the
people. In Massachusetts, the subject was even
taken up by the legislature, and it was well un-
derstood that in congress, the society was viewed

x 2

23 THE

CHAP. i. with secret disapprobation. " What are the sen-
1783 timents of congress on this subject," said a
1783. member of that body in answer to inquiries made
by the late commander in chief, " and what line
they will pursue, can only be stated conjecturally.
Congress as a body, if left to themselves will, in
my opinion, say nothing on the subject. They
may however be forced into a declaration by in-
structions from some of the states, or by other
incidents. Their sentiments, if forced from them,
will be unfriendly to the institution. If permitted
to pursue their own track, they will check it by
side blows whenever it comes in their way ; and
in competitions for office on equal or nearly equal
ground, will give silent preferences to those who
are not of the fraternity." It was impossible for
general Washington to view with indifference
this state of the public feeling. Bound to the
officers of his army by the strictest ties of esteem
and affection, conscious of their merits, and as-
sured of their attachment to his person, he was
alive to every thing which might affect their repu-
tation, or their interests. However innocent the
, institution might be in itself, or however laudable
its real objects, if the impression it made on the
public mind was such as to draw a line of dis-
tinction between the military men of America and
their fellow citizens, he was earnest in his wishes
to adopt such measures as would efface that im-
pression. However ill founded the public preju-
dices might be, he thought this a case in which
they ought to be respected ; and if it should be
found impracticable to convince the people that

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 29

their fears were misplaced, he was disposed " to CHAP, i.
yield to them in a degree, and not to suffer that 1733
which was intended for the best of purposes, to
produce a bad one."

A general meeting was to be held at Philadel-
phia in May 1784; and, in the mean time, he
had been appointed the temporary president.

To prepare the officers for those fundamental
changes in the principles of the society, which
he contemplated as a necessary sacrifice to the
public apprehensions, his ideas were suggested to
his military correspondents ; and to give weight to
the measures which might be recommended, his
utmost influence was exerted to obtain a full as-
semblage of deputies, which might be at the
same time respectable for its numbers, and for its
wisdom.

On surrendering those parts of the institution
which were deemed objectionable, officers of high
respectability entertained different opinions. By
some, the public clamour was attributed to a
spirit of persecution, which only attached them
more closely to the order. Many, it was said,
were in quest of a cause of quarrel with their late
protectors; and the removal of one ground of
accusation against them, would only induce the
substitution of some other. The source of
the uneasiness which had been manifested was to
be found in the temper of the people, not in the
matters of which they complained ; and if the
present cause of irritation was removed, their ill
humour would be openly and avowedly directed
against the commutation.

JO THE LIFE OF

:HAP. i. In the habit of considering subjects of difficulty
1783 in various points of view, and of deciding on
1787. them with coolness and deliberation, general
Washington could not permit his affections to in-
fluence his judgment. The most exact inquiries
were assiduously made into the true state of the
public mind, the result of which was a persuasion,
that opinions unfriendly to the institution in its
actual form were extensively entertained ; and that
those opinions were founded, not in hostility to
the late army, but in real apprehensions for equal
liberty.

To remove these apprehensions he deemed a
wise and necessary policy ; and, at the general
meeting in May, the hereditary principle, and the
power of adopting honorary members, were re-
linquished. The result demonstrated the propriety
of this alteration. Although a few who always
perceive most danger where none exists, and the
visionaries then abounding in Europe, continued
their prophetic denunciations against the order,
America dismissed her fears ; and notwithstanding
the refusal of one or two of the state societies to
adopt the measures recommended by the general
meeting, the members of the Cincinnati were
received as brethren into the bosom of their
country.

While general Washington thus devoted a great
part of his time to rural pursuits, to the duties of
friendship, and to institutions of public utility, the
political state of his country was well calculated
to engage the anxious solicitude of every enligh-
tened and virtuous patriot. From peace, from

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31

independence, and from governments of her own CHAP. i.
choice, America had confidently anticipated every j783
possible blessing. The glorious termination of ^7t
their contest with one of the most powerful
nations of the earth ; the steady and persevering
courage with which that contest had been main-
tained ; and the unyielding firmness with which
the privations attending it had been supported, had
surrounded the infant republics with a great degree
of splendor, and had bestowed upon them a cha-
racter which could be preserved only by a national
and dignified system of conduct. A very short The causes

._ . . - which. led 19

time was sufficient to demonstrate, that some- a change of

the govern-

thing not yet possessed was requisite, to realize ™^£ the
the public and private prosperity expected tostates-
flow from self government. After a short struggle
so to administer the existing system as to make
it competent to the great objects for which it
was instituted, the effort became apparently des-
perate, and American affairs were impelled rapidly
to a crisis, on which depended perhaps the con-
tinuance of the United States as a nation.

In tracing the causes which led to this inter-
esting state of things, it will be necessary to carry
back our attention to the conclusion of the war.
A government authorized to declare war, but
relying on independent states for the means of
prosecuting it ; capable of contracting debts, and
of pledging the public faith for their payment,
but depending on thirteen distinct sovereignties
for the preservation of that faith ; could only be
rescued from ignominy and contempt, by finding
those sovereignties administered by men exempt
from the passions incident to human nature.

THE LIFE OF

The debts of the union were computed to
1783 amount, on the first of January 1783, to some-
1787. what more than forty millions of dollars. " If,"
say congress, in an address to the states, urging
that the means of payment should be placed in
their hands, " other motives than that of justice
could be requisite on this occasion, no nation
could ever feel stronger; for to whom are the
debts to be paid ?

"To an Ally, in the first place, who to the
exertion of his arms in support of our cause has
added the succours of his treasure ; who to his
important loans has added liberal donations, and
whose loans themselves carry the impression of
his magnanimity and friendship.

" To individuals in a foreign country, in the
next place, who were the first to give so precious
a token of their confidence in our justice, and
of their friendship for our cause, and who are
members of a republic which was second in
espousing our rank among nations.

"Another class of creditors as, that illustrious
and patriotic band of fellow citizens, whose blood
and whose bravery have defended the liberties of
their country, who have patiently borne, among
other distresses, the privation of their stipends,
whilst the distresses of their country disabled it
from bestowing them ; and who, even now, ask
for no more than such a portion of their dues, as
will enable them to retire from the field of victory
and glory, into the bosom of peace and private
citizenship, and for such effectual security for the
residue of their claims, as their country is now
unquestionably able to provide.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. ^

" The remaining class of creditors is composed CHAP. i.
partly of such of our fellow citizens as originally ,733
lent to the public the use of their funds, or have
since manifested most confidence in their country,
by receiving transfers from the lenders ; and partly
of those whose property has been either advanced
or assumed for the public service. To discri-
minate the merits of these several descriptions
of creditors, would be a task equally unnecessary
and invidious. If the voice of humanity plead
more loudly in favour of some than of others, the
voice of policy, no less than of justice, pleads in
favour of all. A wise nation will never permit
those who relieve the wants of their country, or
who rely most on its faith, its firmness, and its
resources, when either of them is distrusted, to
suffer by the event."

In a government constituted like that of the
United States, it would readily be expected that
great contrariety of sentiment would prevail, re-
specting the principles on which the affairs of the
union should be conducted. It has been already
stated that the continent was divided into two
great political parties, the one of which contem-
plated America as a nation, and laboured inces-
santly to invest the federal head with powers
competent to the preservation of the union.
The other attached itself to the state authorities,
viewed all the powers of congress with jealousy ;
and assented reluctantly to measures which would
enable the head to act, in any respect, indepen-
dently of the members. Men of enlarged and
liberal minds who, in the imbecility of a general

VOL. v. F

34, THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. government, by which alone the capacities of
the nation could be efficaciously exerted, could
discern the imbecility of the nation itself; who,
viewing the situation of the world, could perceive
the dangers to which these young republics were
exposed, if not held together by a cement capable
of preserving a beneficial connexion; who felt
the full value of national honour, and the full
obligation of national faith ; and who were per-
suaded of the insecurity of both, if resting for
their preservation on the concurrence of thirteen
distinct sovereignties ; arranged themselves gene-
rally in the first party,/' The officers of the army,
whose local prejudices had been weakened by as-
sociating with each other, and whose experience
had furnished lessons on the inefficacy of requi-
sitions which were not soon to be forgotten,
threw their weight almost universally into the
same scale.

As if sensible that the character of the govern-
ment would be decided in a considerable degree
by the measures which should immediately follow
the treaty of peace, gentlemen of the first political
abilities and integrity, among whom were some
who, after performing a distinguished part in the
military transactions of the continent, had retired
from the army, sought a place in the congress
of 1783. Combining their efforts for the estab-
lishment of principles on which the honour and
the interest of the nation were believed to depend,
they exerted all their talents to impress on the
several states, the necessity of conferring on the
government of the union, powers which might be

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 35

competent to its preservation, and which would CHAP. i.
enable it to comply with the engagements it had 1733
formed. With unwearied perseverance they di-
gested and obtained the assent of congress to a
system, which, though unequal to what their
wishes would have prepared, or their judgments
have approved, was believed to be the best that
was attainable. The great object in view was,
"to restore and support public credit," to effect
which it was necessary, "to obtain from the
states substantial funds for funding the whole
debt of the United States."

The committee* to whom this interesting
subject was referred, was composed of persons
alike distinguished for their intelligence, for their
attachment to the union, and for their veneration
of the public faith. They reported sundry reso-
lutions, recommending it to the several states, to
vest in congress permanent and productive funds
adequate to the immediate payment of the interest
on the national debt, and to the gradual extinction
of the principal. These funds were to be raised
in part by duties on imported articles ; and in
part by internal taxes. A change in the rule by
which the proportions of the different states were
to be ascertained was also recommended. In
lieu of that article of the confederation which
apportions on them the sums required for the
public treasury, according to the value of their
located lands with the improvements thereon, it

* Mr. Fitzsimmons, and Mr. Rutledge.
F 2

36 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. was proposed to substitute another more capable
1783 of execution, which should make the population
1787. of each state the measure of its contribution.*

It was readily perceived, that if the provision
made by the states should prove inadequate to
the claims of all the public creditors, its distri-
bution would be partial; and that the less favoured,
who might be neglected, would be reduced to a
still more hopeless condition by being separated
from the great mass whose demands it was thought
impossible to disregard. To obviate this manifest
injustice, it was declared that no part of the
revenue system should take effect until the whole
should be acceded to by all the states ; after
which, every part of the grant was to be irrevo-
cable, except by the concurrence of the whole, or
of a majority of the United States in congress

assembled.

v

* On a subsequent occasion, an attempt was made to
obtain a resolution of congress, recommending as an additional
amendment to the eighth article of the confederation, that
the taxes for the use of the continent should be laid and
levied separate from -any other tax, and should be paid
directly into the national treasury ; and that the collectors
respectively should be liable to an execution to be issued by
the treasurer, or his deputy, under the direction of congress,
for any arrears of taxes by him to be collected, which should
not be paid into the treasury in conformity with the requisi-
tions of congress.

Such was the prevalence of state policy, even in the govern-
ment of the union, or such the conviction of the inutility of
i-ecommending such an amendment, that a vote of congress
could not be obtained for asking this salutary regulation as a
security for the revenue only for eight years.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3-7

To the application which, during the war, had CHAP. i.

been made by congress for power to levy an 1783
impost of five per cent on imported and prize l7lQ7t
goods, one state had never assented, and another
had withdrawn the assent it had previously given.

It was impossible to yield to some of the
objections which had occasioned the ill suc-
cess of this measure, because they went to the
certain destruction of the system itself; but
in points where the alterations demanded were
indeed mischievous but not fatal to the plan,
it was thought advisable to accommodate the
recommendations of the government to the pre-
judices which had been disclosed. It had been
insisted that the power of appointing persons to
collect the duties, would enable congress to
introduce into a state, officers unknown and
unaccountable to the government thereof; and
that a power to collect an indefinite sum for an
indefinite time, for the expenditure of which that
body could not be accountable to -the states,
would render it independent of its constituents,
and would be dangerous to liberty. To obviate
these objections, the proposition now made was
so modified, that the grant was to be limited to
twenty-five years ; was to be strictly appropriated
to the debt contracted on account of the war ; and
was to be collected by persons to be appointed by
the respective states.

After a debate, which the tedious and embar-
rassed mode of conducting business protracted
for several weeks, the report was, on the 18th of
April, 1783, adopted; and a committee, consisting

O

«w if •'

38 THE LIFE O.F

CHAP. i. of Mr. Madison, Mr. Hamilton, and Mr. Ellsworth,

1783 was appointed to prepare an address, which should
17 S7. accompany the recommendation to the several
states. In enforcing the necessity and justice of
an ample and permanent provision for paying
the interest of the national debt, this address
observes; "the present creditors, or rather the
domestic part of them, having either made their
loans for a period which has expired, or having
become creditors in the first instance involuntarily,
are entitled on the clear principles of justice and
good faith, to demand the principal of their
credits instead of accepting the annual interest.
It is necessary therefore, as the principal cannot
be paid to them on demand, that the interest
should be so effectually and satisfactorily secured,
as to enable them, if they incline, to transfer their
stock at its full value." " For the discharge of
the principal within the term limited," proceeded
the report, '* we rely on the natural increase of
the revenue from commerce, on requisitions to
be made from time to time for that purpose, as
circumstances may dictate, and on the prospect of
vacant territory. If these resources should prove
inadequate, it will be necessary at the expiration
of twenty, five years, to continue the funds now
recommended, or to establish such others as may
then be found more convenient."

After a full explanation of the principles on
which the system had been framed, the address
proceeds, "the plan thus communicated and ex-
plained by congress, must now receive its fate
from their constituents. All the objects comprised

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

in it are conceived to be of great importance to CHAP.

the happiness of this confederated republic, are 173
necessary to render the fruits of the revolution, a I7g
full reward for the blood, the toils, the cares and
the calamities which have purchased it. But the
object of which the necessity will be peculiarly
felt, and which it is peculiarly the duty of congress
to inculcate, is the provision recommended for
the national debt. Although this debt is greater
than could have been wished, it is still less on
the whole than could have been expected ; and
when referred to the cause in which it has been
incurred, and compared with the burdens which
wars of ambition and of vain glory have entailed
on other nations, ought to be borne not only with
cheerfullness but with pride. But the magnitude
of the debt makes no part of the question. It is
sufficient that the debt has been fairly contracted,
and that justice and good faith demand that it
should be fully discharged. Congress had no
option but between different modes of discharging
it. The same option is the only one that can
exist with the states. The mode which has, after
long and elaborate discussion, been preferred, is,
we are persuaded, the least objectionable of any
that would have been equal to the purpose. Under
this persuasion, we call upon the justice and
plighted faith of the several states to give it its
proper effect, to reflect on the consequences of
rejecting it, and to remember that congress will
not be answerable for them."

After expatiating on the merits of the several
creditors, the report concludes, "let it beremem-

40 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. bered finally, that it ever has been the pride and
1783 boast of America, that the rights for which she

1787. contended, were the rights of human nature. By
the blessing of the Author of these rights, on
the means exerted for their defence, they have
prevailed against all opposition, and formed the
basis of thirteen independent states. No instance
has heretofore occurred, nor can any instance
be expected hereafter to occur, in which the
unadulterated forms of republican government
can pretend to so fair an opportunity of justifying
themselves by their fruits. In this view, the
citizens of the United States are responsible for
the greatest trust ever confided to a political
society. If justice, good faith, honour, gratitude,
and all the other good qualities which ennoble the
character of a nation, and fulfil the ends of
government, be the fruits of our establishments,
the cause of liberty will acquire a dignity and
lustre which it has never yet enjoyed ; and
an example will be set, which cannot but have
the most favourable influence on the rights of
mankind. If on the other side, our governments
should be unfortunately blotted with the reverse
of these cardinal and essential virtues, the great
cause which we have engaged to vindicate will be
dishonoured and betrayed ; the last and fairest expe-
riment in favour of the rights of human nature
will be turned against them, and their patrons
and friends exposed to be insulted and silenced
by the votaries of tyranny and usurpation."

For the complete success of the plan recom-
mended by congress, no person felt more anxious

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 41

solicitude than the commander in chief. Of the CHAP.I.
vital importance of UNION, no man could be
more entirely persuaded ; and of the obligations
of the government to its creditors, no man could
feel a stronger conviction To their claims, his
conspicuous station had rendered him peculiarly
sensible ; and, in the creation of a part of them,
he had unavoidably been personally instrumental.
For the payment of some of the creditors, all the
feelings of his heart were deeply engaged : and
for the security of all, that high sense of national
honour, of national justice, and of national faith,
of which elevated minds endowed with integrity
can never be divested, impelled him to take a
strong interest. Availing himself of the usage of
communicating on national subjects with the state
governments, and of the opportunity, which his
approaching resignation of the command of the
army gave, impressively to convey his sentiments
to them, he determined to employ all the influ-
ence which the circumstances of his life had
created, in a solemn recommendation of measures,
on which he believed the happiness and prospe-
rity of his country to depend. On the eighth of
June 1783, he addressed to the governors of the
several states respectively, the paternal and affec-
tionate letter which follows.
" Sir,

" The great object for which I had^er™of
the honour to hold an appointment in the service %*?&%?

c 1 • i - i i T eniors of the

ot my country beinp accomplished, I am now several

. . st-tej.

preparing to resign it into the hands of congress,
and to return to that domestic retirement which,
VOL. v. c

42 THE LIFE OF

CHAP- *. it is well known, I left with the greatest reluc-
irss tance ; a retirement for which I have never ceased
1787. to £igh through a long and painful absence, and
in which (remote from the noise and trouble of
the world) I meditate to pass the remainder of life
in a state of undisturbed repose. But before I
carry this resolution into effect, I think it a duty
incumbent upon me, to make this my last official
communication ; to congratulate you on the glo-
rious events which heaven has been pleased to
produce in our favour ; to offer my sentiments
respecting some important subjects which appear
to me to be intimately connected with the tran-
quillity of the United States : to take my leave of
your excellency as a public character : and to
give my final blessing to that country in whose
service I have spent the prime of my life, for
whose sake I have consumed so many anxious
days and watchful nights, and whose happiness,
being extremely dear to me, will always consti-
tute no inconsiderable part of my own.

" Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on
this pleasing occasion, I will claim the indulgence
of dilating the more copiously on the subjects of
our mutual felicitation. When we consider the
magnitude of the prize we contended for, the
doubtful nature of the contest, and the favourable
manner in which it has terminated, we shall find
the greatest possible reason for gratitude and re-
joicing. This is a theme that will afford infinite
delight to every benevolent and liberal mind,
whether the event in contemplation be considered
as the source of present enjoyment, or the parent

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43

of future happiness : and we shall have equal oc- CHAP. i.
casion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which
Providence has assigned us, whether we view it
in a natural, a political, or moral 'point of
light.

" The citizens of America, placed in the
most enviable condition, as the sole lords and
proprietors of a vast tract of continent, compre-
hending all the various soils and climates of the
world, and abounding with all the necessaries and
conveniencies of life, are now, by the late satis-
factory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed
of absolute freedom and independency. They are
from this period, to be considered as the actors
on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to
be peculiarly designated by Providence for the
display of human greatness and felicity. Here
they are not only surrounded with every thing
which can contribute to the completion of private
and domestic enjoyment ; but heaven has crowned
all its other blessings, by giving a fairer oppor-
tunity for political happiness, than any other na-
tion has ever been favoured with. Nothing can
illustrate these observations more forcibly, than a
recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and
circumstances, under which our republic assumed
its rank among the nations. The foundation of
our empire was not laid in the gloomy age of ig-
norance and superstition, but at an epocha when
the rights of mankind were better understood,
and more clearly defined, than at any former pe-
riod. The researches of the human mind after
social happiness, have been carried to a great ex-

c 2

44 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, i. tent ; the treasures of knowledge acquired by the
1783 labours of philosophers, sages, and legislators,
1787. through a long succession of years, are laid open
for our use ; and their collected wisdom may be
happily employed in the establishment of our
forms of government. The free cultivation of
letters ; the unbounded extension of commerce ;
the progressive refinement of manners ; the grow-
ing liberality of sentiment ; and above all, the
pure and benign light of revelation ; have had a
meliorating influence on mankind, and increased
the blessings of society. At this auspicious pe-
riod, the United States came into existence as a
nation ; and if their citizens should not be com-
pletely free and happy, the fault will be entirely
their own.

" Such is our situation, and such are our pros-
pects. But notwithstanding the cup of blessing
is thus reached out to us ; notwithstanding hap-
piness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize
the occasion, and make it our own ; yet, it appears
to me, there is an option still left to the United
States of America ; that it is in their choice, and
depends upon their conduct, whether they will be
respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and
miserable as a nation. This is the time of their
political probation ; this is the moment when the
eyes of the whole world are turned upon them ; this
is the moment to establish or ruin their national
character forever; this is the favourable moment
to give such a tone to our federal government, as
will enable it to answer the ends of its institution,
or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 45

the powers of the union, annihilating the cement CHAP. i.
of the confederation, and exposing us to become 1783
the sport of European politics, which may play
one state against another, to prevent their growing
importance, and to serve their own interested
purposes. For according to the system of policy
the states shall adopt at this moment, they will
stand or fall ; and by their confirmation or lapse,
it is yet to be decided, whether the revolution
must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a
curse :...a blessing or a curse not to the present
age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of un-
born millions be involved.

" With this conviction of the importance of the
present crisis, silence in me would be a crime.
I will therefore speak to your excellency the lan-
guage of freedom and of sincerity, without dis-
guise. I am aware, however, that those who
differ from me in political sentiment, may perhaps
remark that I am stepping out of the proper line
of my duty, and may possibly ascribe to arrogance
or ostentation, what I know is alone the result of
the purest intentions. But the rectitude of my
own heart, which disdains such unworthy mo-
tives ; the part I have hitherto acted in life ; the
determination I have formed of not taking any
share in public business hereafter ; the ardent
desire I feel, and shall continue to manifest, of
quietly enjoying, in private life, after all the toils
of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal govern-
ment : will I flatter myself, sooner or later con-
vince my countrymen, *hat I could have no

46 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. sinister views in delivering with so little reserve,
1783 the opinions contained in this address.
17°87. "There are four things which I humbly con-
ceive, are essential to the well being, I may even
venture to say, to the existence of the United
States as an independent power.

1st. An indissoluble union of the states under
one federal head.

2d. A sacred regard to public justice.

3d. The adoption of a proper peace establish-
ment, and,

4th. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly
disposition, among the people of the United States,
which will induce them to forget their local
prejudices and politics, to make those mutual
concessions which are requisite to the general
prosperity, and in some instances, to sacrifice
their individual advantages to the interest of the
community.

*' These are the pillars on which the glorious
fabrick of our independency and national character
must be supported. Liberty is the basis, and
whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or
overturn the structure, under whatever specious
pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest
execration, and the severest punishment, which
can be inflicted by his injured country.

" On the three first articles, I will make a few
observations, leaving the last to the good sense
and serious consideration of those immediately
concerned.

" Under the first hescJ, although it may not be
necessary or proper for me, in this place, to enter
into a particular disquisition of the principles of

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 47

the union, and to take up the great question which CHAP. i.
has frequently been agitated, whether it be ex- 1783
pedient and requisite for the states to delegate a
larger proportion of power to congress ,or not;
yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every
true patriot, to assert without reserve, and to in-
sist upon the following positions : that unless the
states will suffer congress to exercise those prero-
gatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the
constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to
anarchy and confusion : that it is indispensable to
the happiness of the individual states, that there
should be lodged some where a supreme power
to regulate and govern the general concerns of
the confederated republic, without which the
union cannot be of long duration : that there
must be a faithful and pointed compliance, on the
part of every state, with the late proposals and
demands of congress, or the most fatal conse-
quences will ensue : that whatever measures have
a tendency to dissolve the union, or contribute to
violate or lessen the sovereign authority, ought
to be considered as hostile to the liberty and inde-
pendence of America, and the authors of them
treated accordingly : and lastly, that unless we
can be enabled, by the concurrence of the states,
to participate of the fruits of the revolution, and
enjoy the essential benefits of civil society, under
a form of government so free and uncorrupted, so
happily guarded against the danger of oppression
as has been devised and adopted by the articles of
confederation, it will be a subject of regret, that
so much blood and treasure have been lavished

48 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. for no purpose ; that so many sufferings have been
1783 encountered without a compensation ; and that so
1787. many sacrifices have been made in vain. Many
other considerations might here be adduced to
prove, that without an entire conformity to the
spirit of the union, we cannot exist as an inde-
pendent power. It will be sufficient for my pur-
pose to mention one or two, which seem to me
of the greatest importance. It is only in our
united character that we are known as an empire,
that our independence is acknowledged, that our
power can be regarded, or our credit supported
among foreign nations. The treaties of the Euro-
pean powers with the United States of America,
will have no validity on a dissolution of the union.
We shall be left nearly in a state of nature, or we
may find, by our own unhappy experience, that
there is a natural and necessary progression from
the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny ;
and that arbitrary power is most easily established
on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness.

" As to the second article, which respects the
performance of public justice, congress have in
their late address to the United States, almost
exhausted the subject. They have explained their
ideas so fully, and have enforced the obligations
the states are under, to render complete justice to
all the public creditors, with so much dignity and
energy, that in my opinion, no real friend to the
honour and independency of America, can hesitate
a single moment respecting the propriety of com-
plying with the just and honourable measures
proposed. If their arguments do not produce

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 49

conviction, I know of nothing that will have CHAP. i.
greater influence ; especially when we recollect 1733
that the system referred to, being the result of
the collected wisdom of the continent, must be
esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least ob-
jectionable of any that could be devised; and
that if it should not be carried into immediate
execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its
deplorable consequences, will take place before
any different plan can possibly be proposed and
adopted. So pressing are the present circum-
stances, and such is the alternative now offered to
the states.

" The ability of the country to discharge the
debts which have been incurred in its defence is
not to be doubted ; an inclination I flatter myself
will not be wanting. The path of- our duty is
plain before us.... honesty will be found, on every
experiment, to be the best and only true policy.
Let us then as a nation, be just; let us fulfil the
public contracts which congress had undoubtedly
a right to make, for the purpose of carrying on
the war, with the same good faith we suppose
ourselves bound to perform our private engage-
ments. In the mean time, let an attention to
the cheerful performance of their proper business
as individuals, and as members of society, be
earnestly inculcated on the citizens of America.
Then will they strengthen the hands of govern-
ment, and be happy under its protection. Every
one will reap the fruit of his labours ; every one
will enjoy his own acquisitions, without moles-
tation, and without danger.

VOL. v. ir

THE LIFE OF

"In this state of absolute freedom and perfect
security, who will grudge to yield a very little of
his property to support the common interest of
society, and ensure the protection of government?
who does not remember the frequent declarations,
at the commencement of the war, that we should
be completely satisfied, if at the expense of one
half, we could defend the remainder of our
possessions ? where is the man to be found who
wishes to remain indebted for the defence of his
own person and property, to the exertions, the
bravery, and the blood of others, without making
one generous effort to repay the debt of honour
and of gratitude ? in what part of the continent
shall we find any man or body of men, who
would not blush to stand up and propose measures
purposely calculated to rob the soldier of his
stipend, and the public creditor of his due ? and
were it possible that such a flagrant instance of
injustice could ever happen, would it not excite
the general indignation, and tend to bring down
upon the authors of such measures, the aggra-
vated vengeance of heaven ? if after all, a spirit of
disunion, or a temper of obstinacy and perverse-
ness, should manifest itself in any of the states ;
if such an ungracious disposition should attempt
to frustrate all the happy effects that might be
expected to flow from the union ; if there should
be a refusal to comply with the requisitions for
funds to discharge the annual interest of the public
debts ; and if that refusal should revive again all
those jealousies, and produce all those evils,
which are now happily removed ; congress, who

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5 I

have in all their transactions, shewn a great CHAP. i.
degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand 1783
justified in the sight of God and man; and the 17g7
state alone which puts itself in opposition to the
aggregate wisdom of the continent, and follows
such mistaken and pernicious counsels, will be
responsible for all the consequences.

" For my own part, conscious of having acted
while a servant of the public, in the manner I
conceived best suited to promote the real interests
of my country; having, in consequence of my
fixed belief, in some measure pledged myself to
the army, that their country would finally do
them complete and ample justice ; and not wishing
to conceal any instance of my official conduct
from the eyes of the world ; I have thought proper
to transmit to your excellency the enclosed col-
lection of papers, relative to the half pay and
commutation granted by congress to the officers
of the army. From these communications, my
decided sentiments will be clearly comprehended,
together with the conclusive reasons which in-
duced me, at an early period, to recommend the
adoption of the measure, in the most earnest and
serious manner. As the proceedings of congress,
the army, and myself, are open to all, and contain,
in my opinion, sufficient information to remove
the prejudices, and errors, which may have been
entertained by any, I think it unnecessary to say
any thing more than just to observe, that the
resolutions 01' congress now alluded to, are
undoubtedly as absolutely binding upon the
United States, as the most solemn acts of confe-

H2

52 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. deration or legislation. As to the idea which I
irss am informed, has in some instances prevailed,
17gr that the half pay and commutation are to be
regarded merely in the odious light of a pension,
it ought to be exploded forever. That provision
should be viewed as it really was, a reasonable
compensation offered by congress, at a time when
they had nothing else to give to the officers of the
army, for services then to be performed. It was
the only means to prevent a total dereliction of
the service.... It was a part of their hire.... I may
be allowed to say it was the price of their blood,
and of your independence. It is therefore more
than a common debt ; it is a debt of honour. It
can never be considered as a pension, or gratuity ;
nor be cancelled until it is fairly discharged.

" With regard to a distinction between officers
and soldiers, it is sufficient that the uniform ex»
perience of every nation of the world, combined
with our own, proves the utility and propriety
of the discrimination. Rewards in proportion
to the aids the public derives from them, are
unquestionably due to all its servants. In some
lines, the soldiers have perhaps generally had as
ample a compensation for their services, by the
large bounties which have been paid to them, as
their officers will receive in the proposed com-
mutation ; in others, if besides the donation of
lands, the payment of arrearages of clothing and
wages, (in which articles all the component parts
of the army must be put upon the same footing)
we take into the estimate the bounties many of
the soldiers have received, and the gratuity of
one year's full pay which is promised to all,

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 53

possibly their situation (every circumstance duly CHAP, i^
considered) will not be deemed less eligible than 1733
that of the officers. Should a further reward,
however, be judged equitable, I will venture to
assert, no one will enjoy greater satisfaction than
myself, on seeing an exemption from taxes for a
limited time (which has been petitioned for in
some instances) or any other adequate immunity
or compensation, granted to the brave defenders
of their country's cause. But neither the adoption
nor rejection of this proposition will in any manner
affect, much less militate against, the act of con-
gress, by which they have offered five years full
pay, in lieu of the half pay for life which had
been before promised to the officers of the army.
t( Before I conclude the subject of public
justice, I cannot omit to mention the obligations
this country is under to that meritorious class of
veteran non- commissioned officers and privates
who have been discharged for inability, in con-
sequence of the resolution of congress of the
23d April 1782, on an annual pension for life.
Their peculiar sufferings, their singular merits,
and claims to that provision, need only be known,
to interest all the feelings of humanity in their
behalf. Nothing but a punctual payment of their
annual allowance can rescue them from the most
complicated misery, and nothing could be a more
melancholy and distressing sight, than to behold
those who have shed their blood or lost their
limbs in the service of their country, without a
shelter, without a friend, and without the means
of obtaining any of the necessaries or comforts

54 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, i. of life ; compelled to beg their daily bread from
1783 door to door. Suffer me to recommend those of
this description, belonging to your state, to the
warmest patronage of your excellency and your
legislature.

"It is necessary to say but a few words on
the third topic which was proposed, and which
regards particularly the defence of the republic,
as there can be little doubt but congress will
recommend a proper peace establishment for the
United States, in which a due attention will be
paid to the importance of placing the militia of
the union upon a regular and respectable footing.
If this should be the case, I would beg leave to
urge the great advantage of it in the strongest
terms. The militia of this country must be con-
sidered as the palladium of our security, and the
first effectual resort in case of hostility. It is
essential therefore, that the same system should
pervade the whole ; that the formation and disci-
pline of the militia of the continent should be
absolutely uniform, and that the same species
of arms, accoutrements, and military apparatus,
should be introduced in every part of the United
States. No one who has not learned it from
experience, can conceive the difficulty, expense,
and confusion, which result from a contrary
system, or the vague arrangements which have
hitherto prevailed.

"If in treating of political points, a greater
latitude than usual has been taken in the course
of this address, the importance of the crisis, and
the magnitude of the objects in discussion, must

GEORGE .WASHINGTON. 55

be my apology. It is, however, neither my wish CHAP. i.
or expectation, that the preceding observations 1733
should claim any regard, except so far as they
shall appear to be dictated by a good intention,
consonant to the immediate rules of justice,
calculated to produce a liberal system of policy,
and founded on whatever experience may have
been acquired by a long and close attention to
public business. Here I might speak with the
more confidence, from my actual observations;
and, if it would not swell this letter (already
too prolix) beyond the bounds I had prescribed
myself, I could demonstrate to every mind open
to conviction, that in less time, and with much
less expense than has been incurred, the war
might have been brought to the same happy
conclusion, if the resources of the continent
could have been properly drawn forth; that the
distresses and disappointments which have very
often occurred, have in too many instances,
resulted more from a want of energy in the con-
tinental government, than a deficiency of means
in the particular states : that the inefficacy of
measures, arising from the want of an adequate
authority in the supreme power, from a partial
compliance with the requisitions of congress in
some of the states, and from a failure of punc-
tuality in others, while it tended to damp the zeal
of those which were more willing to exert them-
selves, served also to accumulate the expenses of
the war, and to frustrate the best concerted plans ;
and that the discouragement occasioned by the
complicated difficulties and embarrassments in

56 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. which our affairs were by this means involved,

1783 would have long ago produced the dissolution of
17g7> any army less patient, less virtuous, and less
persevering, than that which I have had the
honour to command. But while I mention these
things which are notorious facts, as the defects of
our federal constitution, particularly in the pro-
secution of a war, I beg it may be understood,
that as I have ever taken a pleasure in gratefully
acknowledging the assistance and support I have
derived from every class of citizens, so shall I
always be happy to do justice to the unparallelled
exertions of the individual states, on many inter-
esting occasions.

" I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to
make known before I surrendered up my public
trust to those who committed it to me. The task
is now accomplished. I now bid adieu to your
excellency as the chief magistrate of your state ;
at the same time, I bid a last farewell to the cares
of office and all the employments of public life.

" It remains then to be my final and only
request, that your excellency will communicate
these sentiments to your legislature at their next
meeting ; and that they may be considered as the
legacy of one who has ardently wished, on all
occasions, to be useful to his country ; and who,
even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to
implore the divine benediction upon it.

'* I now make it my earnest prayer that God
would have you, and the state over which you
preside, in his holy protection, that he would
incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 57

spirit of subordination and obedience to govern- CHAP. i.
ment ; to entertain a brotherly affection and love "^73 3
for one another, for their fellow citizens of the \<^Y
United States at large, and particularly for their
brethren who have served in the field ; and finally,
that he would most graciously be pleased to
dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and
to demean ourselves with that charity, humility,
and pacific temper of mind, which were the cha-
racteristicks of the Divine Author of our blessed
religion ; without an humble imitation of whose
example in these things we can never hope to be
a happy nation."

The impression made by this solemn and
affecting admonition could not be surpassed. The
circumstances under which it was given added to
the veneration with which it was received ; and
like the counsel of a parent on whom the grave is
about to close forever, it sunk deep into the
hearts of all. But like the counsels of a parent
withdrawn from view, the advice was too soon
forgotten, and the impression it had made was
too soon effaced.

The recommendations of congress did not re-
ceive that prompt consideration which the public
exigence demanded, nor did they meet that uni-
versal assent which was necessary to give them
effect.

Not immediately perceiving that the error lay
in a system which was absolutely unfit for use,
the distinguished patriots of the revolution con-
templated with infinite anxiety, the anti- American
temper which displayed itself in almost every ,

VOL. v. i

58 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. part of the union. The letters addressed to the
irss late commander in chief, by many of those who
1787. had borne a conspicuous part in the arduous
struggle for independence, manifest the disap-
pointment and chagrin occasioned by this temper.
The venerable Trumbull, who had been annually
elected the governor of Connecticut from the
commencement of hostilities, and who in that
capacity had rendered great service to the cause
of united America ; who like Washington, had
supported the burden of office throughout a
hazardous contest, and like Washington, had
determined to withdraw from the cares of a
public station when that contest should be termi-
nated, in a letter communicating to his friend and
compatriot the resolution he had taken, thus dis-
closed the fears which the dispositions manifested
by many of his countrymen inspired. " The
fruits of our peace and independence do not at
present wear so promising an appearance as I had
fondly painted to my mind. The prejudices, the
jealousies, and turbulence of the people, at times,
almost stagger my confidence in our political
establishments ; and almost occasion me to think
that they will show themselves unworthy of the
noble prize for which we have contended, and
which, I had pleased myself with the hope, we
were so near enjoying. But again, I check this
rising impatience, and console myself under the
present prospect with the consideration, that the
same beneficent and wise Providence which has
done so much for this country, will not eventually
leave us to ruin our own happiness, to become

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 59

the sport of chance, or the scoff of a once admiring CHAP. r.
world ; but that great things are yet in store for
this people, which time, and the wisdom of the
Great Director will produce in its best season."
"It is indeed a pleasure," said general Wash-
ington in reply, "from the walks of private life
to view in retrospect the difficulties through which
we have waded, and the happy haven into which
our ship has been brought. Is it possible after
this that it should founder ? will not the all wise
and all powerful Director of human events pre-
serve it ? I think he will. He may however, for
some wise purpose of his own, suffer our indis-
cretions and folly to place our national character
low in the political scale ;...and this, unless more
wisdom and less prejudice take the lead in our
government, will most certainly happen."

That the imbecility of the federal government,
the impotence of its requisitions, and the inat-
tention of some of the states to its recommen-
dations, would in the estimation of the world,
abase the American character, could scarcely be
termed a prediction. From its inability to protect
the general interests, or to comply with its poli-
tical or pecuniary engagements, already had that
course of national degradation commenced which
such a state of things must necessarily produce.

As the system recommended to the states on the
18th of April 1783, had been matured by the best
wisdom in the federal councils, a compliance with
it was the last hope of the government ; and con-
gress continued to urge its adoption on the several
states. While its fate remained undecided, requl-

i 2

60 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. sitions for the intermediate supply of the national
1783 demands were annually repeated, and were annually
1787. neglected. From the first of November 1784, to the
first of January 1786, there had been paid into the
public treasury only four hundred and eighty two
thousand eight hundred and ninety- seven dollars
II ths. Happily, a loan had been negotiated in Hol-
land by Mr. Adams, after the termination of the
war, out of which the interest of the foreign debt
had been partly paid, but that fund was exhausted,
and the United States possessed no means of repla-
cing it. Unable to pay the interest, they would, in
the course of the succeeding year, be liable for the
first instalment of the principal; and the humiliating
circumstance was to be encountered of a total failure
to comply with the most solemn engagements, un-
accompanied with the prospect of being enabled
to give assurances that, at any future time, their
situation would be more eligible. The condition
of the domestic creditors was not absolutely des-
perate, the prospect of obtaining satisfaction for
their claims was so distant and uncertain, that their
evidences of debt were transferred at an eighth,
and even at a tenth of their nominal value. The
distress consequent on this depreciation was great
and afflicting. '* The requisitions of congress
for eight years past," say the committee in Fe-
bruary 1786, to whom the subject of the revenue
had been referred, "have been so irregular in
their operation, so uncertain in their collection,
and so evidently unproductive, that a reliance on
them in future as a source from whence monies
are to be drawn to discharge the engagements of

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 61

the confederacy, definite as they are in time and CHAP. i.
amount, would be not less dishonourable to the
understandings of those who entertain such con-
fidence, than it would be dangerous to the welfare
and peace of the union." Under public embar-
rassments which were daily increasing, it had be-
come it was said, the duty of congress to declare
most explicitly that the crisis bad arrived, when
the people of the United States, by whose will,
and for whose benefit, the federal government was
instituted, must decide whether they will support
their rank as a nation, by maintaining the public
faith at home and abroad, or whether, for want of
a timely exertion in establishing a general revenue,
and thereby giving strength to the confederacy,
they will hazard not only the existence of the
union, but of those great and invaluable privileges
for which they have so arduously and so honour-
ably contended."

The revenue system of the 18th of April 1783,
was again solemnly recommended to the consid-
eration of the several states, and their unanimous
and early accession to it was declared to be the
only measure which could enable congress to pre-
serve the public faith, and to avoid the fatal evils
which will inevitably flow from "a violation of
those principles of justice which are the only solid
basis of the honour and prosperity of nations."

In framing this system, a revenue adequate to
the funding of the whole national debt had been
contemplated, and no part of it was to go into
operation until the whole should be adopted. By
suspending partial relief to the pressing necessities

62 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, i. of the government, it was believed that complete
1783 relief would be the more certainly secured.
1787. To the enlightened and virtuous statesmen with
whom that measure originated, it appeared im-
possible that their countrymen would be so un-
mindful of the obligations of honour and of justice,
or could so misjudge their real interests, as to
withhold their assent from the entire plan, if
convinced that no partial compliance with it would
be received. In the progress of the business how-
ever, there was reason to believe that the impost
might be conceded, but that the application for
the internal taxes would encounter difficulties not
easily to be surmounted. In the impoverished
state of the federal treasury, an incompetent re-
venue was preferred to no revenue ; and it was
deemed more advisable to accept a partial com-
pliance with the recommendations of congress,
than, by inflexibly adhering to the integrity of the
system, to lose the whole. The states therefore,
were requested to enable congress, "to carry into
effect that part which related to impost so soon as
it should be acceded to." In the course of the
year 1786, every state in the union had acted
upon the recommendation, and, with the exception
of New York, had granted the impost duty which
had been required. New York had passed an act
upon the subject ; but, influenced by its jealousy
of the federal government, had not vested in
congress the power of collecting the duties detailed
in the resolutions of that body, but had reserved
to itself the sole power of levying the duties ac-
cording to its own laws. Neither did the act

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 53

permit the collectors to be made accountable to CHAP. i.
congress. To the state only were they amenable. 1733
In addition to these deviations from the plan re-
commended, New York had emitted bills of credit,
which were liable to depreciation, and in them
the duties were payable. As the failure on the
part of this single state, suspended the operation
of the grants made by all the others, the executive
thereof was requested again to convene the
legislature, in order to lay the subject once
more before them. To a similar resolution gov-
ernor Clinton had already replied, that " he had
not power to convene the legislature before the
time fixed by law for their stated meeting, except
on extraordinary occasions, and as the present
business proposed for their consideration had al-
ready been repeatedly laid before them, and so
recently as at their last session had received their
determination, it could not come within that
description. This second resolution was not more
successful than that which preceded it, and thus
was finally defeated th? laborious and persevering
effort made by the federal government to obtain
from the states the means of preserving in whole
or in part, the faith of the nation. The private
letters of that period, abound with passages show-
ing the solicitude with which general Washington
watched the progress of this recommendation, and
the chagrin with which he viewed the obstacles to
its adoption ; in a letter of October 1785, he said,
"the war as you have very justly observed, has
terminated most advantageously for America, and
a fair field is presented to our view ; but I confess
to you freely my dear sir, that I do not think we

54 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. i. possess wisdom or justice enough to cultivate it

1783 properly. Illiberality, jealousy, and local policy,
1787. m^x to° mucn in all can* public councils, for the
good government of the union. In a word, the
confederation appears to me to be little more than
a shadow without the substance ; and congress a
nugatory body, their ordinances being little at-
tended to. To me, it is a solecism in politics :...
indeed it is one of the most extraordinary things
in nature, that we should confederate as a nation,
and yet be afraid to give the rulers of that nation,
who are the creatures of our own making, ap-
pointed for a limited and short duration, and who
are amenable for every action, recallable at any
moment, and subject to all the evils which they
may be instrumental in producing,... sufficient
powers to order and direct the affairs of the same.
By such policy as this, the wheels of government
are clogged, and our brightest prospects, and that
high expectation which was entertained of us by
the wondering world, are turned into astonish-
ment ; and from the high^ ground on which we
stood, we are descending into the vale of confusion
and darkness.

" That we have it in our power to become one
of the most respectable nations upon earth, admits,
in my humble opinion, of no doubt, if we would
but pursue a wise, just and liberal policy towards
one another, and would keep good faith with the
rest of the world :...that our resources are ample
and increasing, none can deny ; but while they
are grudgingly applied, or not applied at all, we
give a vital stab to public faith, and will sink in
the eyes of Europe, into contempt.'*

GEORGE WASHINGTON. (J5

CHAPTER II.

Misunderstandings between Great Britain and the United
States. ...Mr. Adams appointed to negotiate with the Bri-
tish cabinet. ...Discontents of the Americans ag" :'ist the
commercial regulations of Britain. ...Rise of parties in the
United States... The convention at Annapolis. ...Virginia
appoints deputies to meet those of the other states at Phil-
adelphia for the purpose of revising the federal system....
G. Washington chosen one of them. ...insurrection in Mas-
sachussetts... .Convention at Philadelphia.. ..A form of gov-
ernment for the United States is submitted to the respective
states, which is ratified by eleven of them. ...Letters from *
Gen. \V jhington respecting the chief magistracy of the
new government. ...He is unanimously elected president....
meeting of the first congress.

WHILE the friends of the national government 1733
were making these unavailing efforts to invest it ijQf.

with a revenue which might enable it to preserve

the national faith, many other causes concurred to
prepare the public mind for some great and radi-
cal change in the political system of America.

Scarcely had the war of the revolution termi- Misututr.

• standings

nated, when the United States and Great Britain ^Britain
reciprocally charged each other with having vio- u^ted6
lated the treaty of peace. On the construction of
that part of the seventh article which stipulates
against the " destruction or carrying away of any
negroes, or other property of the American inhab-
itants," a serious difference of opinion prevailed,
and the misunderstanding occasioned by that dif-
ference could not be easily accommodated. As
men seldom allow much weight to the reasoning
of an adversary, the construction put upon that
VOL. v, K

THE LIFE OF

article by the cabinet of London was generally
1783 treated in America as a mere evasion, and the re-
1787. moval °f tne negroes who had joined the British
army on the faith of a proclamation offering them.
freedom, was considered as a flagrant breach of
faith. In addition to this circumstance, the
troops of his Britannic majesty still retained pos-
session of the posts on the American side of the
great lakes. As those posts gave their possessors
a decided influence over the warlike tribes of In-
dians in their neighbourhood, this was a subject
to which America was peculiarly sensible.

On the other hand, the United States were
charged with infringing the fourth, fifth, and sixth
articles, which contain agreements respecting the
payment of debts, the confiscation of property, and
prosecution of individuals for the part taken by
them during the war. Desirous of removing
every just cause of complaint, so far as came with-
in the scope of their powers, congress, on the
14th of January 1784, the day on which the defin.
itive articles were ratified, passed a resolution
containing a recommendation in the words of
the treaty, respecting confiscated property, which
was transmitted without delay to the several states.
By them, this resolution was considered as merely
formal ; and it was contended that neither the
American nor the British government expected
from it any beneficial results. But other stipula-
tions which are explicit, the performance of which
was not to rest on the recommendation of the
government, especially that respecting the pay-
ment of debts, were also neglected. These causes

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 57

of mutual complaint being permitted to rankle for CHAP. H.
some time in the bosoms of both nations, pro-
duced no inconsiderable degree of irritation. The
British merchants had large credits in America.
A great proportion of the property of many of
them, consisted of debts in that country. These
men had been nearly ruined by the rupture be-
tween the two nations; and, without taking into
the account the embarrassments in which the war
had involved their debtors, they calculated, after
the restoration of peace, on the prompt collection
of the vast sums which were due to them. But
the impediments to the recovery of debts were, in
many instances, unremoved ; and the dispositions
manifested by those states in which they were
chiefly due, did not authorize a belief that any
favourable change of measures was about to take
place. It might well be expected that men thus
circumstanced would be loud in their complaints.
They openly charged the American government
with violating the most solemn obligations which
public and private contract could create ; and this
charge affected the national character the more
seriously, because the terms of the treaty were
universally considered as being highly advan-
tageous to the United States. The recriminations
on the part of individuals in America, were also
uttered with the angry vehemence of men who
believe themselves to be suffering unprovoked
injuries. The negroes in possession of the British
armies at the restoration of peace, belonged, in
many cases, to actual debtors ; and in all, to
persons who required the labour of which they

K 2

(J8 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, ir. were thus deprived, to repair the multiplied losses
irss produced by the war. To the detention of the
1787. posts on the lakes was ascribed the hostile temper
manifested by the Indians ; and thus, to the in-
dignity of permitting a foreign power to maintain
garrisons within the limits of the nation, were su-
peradded the murders perpetrated by the savages,
and the consequent difficulty of settling the fertile
and vacant lands of the west.* On the eastern
frontier too, the British were charged with making
encroachments on the territory of the United
States. On that side, the river St. Croix, from
its source to its mouth in the bay of Passama-
quoddy, is the boundary between the two nations.
Three rivers of that name empty into the bay.
The Americans claimed the most eastern, as the
real St. Croix, while settlements were actually
made under the authority of the government of
Nova Scotia to the middle river, and the town of
St. Andrews was established on its banks.

But the cause of most extensive disquiet was
the rigorous commercial system pursued by Great
Britain. While colonists, the Americans had car-
ried on a free and gainful trade with the British
West Indies, from which they had drawn consider-
able supplies of specie. As citizens of an indepen-
dentstate, those ports were closed against them, and
in other parts of the empire also, the navigation
act was, in many points, strictly enforced with
respect to them. To explore new channels into
which the trade of a nation may be transferred,

* See Note, No. I. at the end of the -volume.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 59

will, in any state of things, require time ; and in CHAP. IL
that which existed, was opposed by obstacles which 1733
almost discouraged the attempt. On every side
they encountered rigorous and unlocked for res-
trictions. In the rich trade of the neighbouring
colonies they were not permitted to participate,
and in the ports of Europe they encountered re-
gulations which were extremely embarrassing.
From the Mediterranean, they were excluded by
the Barbary powers, whose hostility they had no
force to subdue, and whose friendship they had no
money to purchase. And the characteristic enter-
prise of their merchants, which in better times has
displayed their flag in every part of the world, was
then in a great measure restrained from exerting
itself by the scantiness of their means. Thus cir-
cumstanced, the idea of compelling Great Britain
to relax somewhat of the rigour of her system,
by opposing it with regulations equally restrictive,
seems to have been generally taken up ; but to
render success in such a conflict possible, it was
necessary that the whole power of regulating com-
merce should reside in a single legislature.* That

* This idea appears to have been strongly supported, if
not originally suggested by Mr. John Adams, then one of the
ministers of the United States in Europe. In a letter to
congress of the 18th of July 1783, he says, "the union
requires additional support from its members ; and if the
United States become respectable, it must be by more
energy in the government ; for as some of the nations of
Europe do not yet perceive this important truth, that the
sphere of their own commerce will be eventually enlarged by
the growth of America, but on the contrary manifest a jea-
lousy of our future prosperity, it becomes the United States*

?0 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, n, thirteen independent sovereignties, jealous of each
irss other, could be induced to concur for a length of
1787. time in measures capable of producing the desired
effect, few were so sanguine as to hope. With
many, therefore, the desire of counteracting a
system which appeared to them so injurious, tri-
umphed over their attachment to state authority,
and the converts to the opinion that congress
ought to be empowered to pass a navigation act,
or to regulate trade generally, were daily multi-
plied. So early as the 30th of April 1784, reso-
lutions were entered into recommending it to the
several states to * ' vest the United States in con-
gress assembled, for the term of fifteen years, with
power to prohibit any goods, wares, or merchan-
dise, from being imported into, or exported from
any of the states, in vessels belonging to, or navi-
gated by the subjects of any power with whom
these United States shall not have formed treaties
of commerce." And also, of prohibiting "the
subjects of any foreign state, kingdom, or empire,
unless authorized by treaty, from importing into
the United States, any goods, wares, or mer-
chandise, which are not the produce or manufac-
ture of the dominions of the sovereign whose
subjects they are." Meanwhile, the United States
were unremitting in their endeavours to form
commercial treaties in Europe. Three commis-
sioners had been appointed for that purpose ; and

• •

seriously to consider their own interests, and to devise such
general systems and arrangements, commercial or political,
as our own peculiar circumstances may from time to time
require-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 71

at length, as the trade with England was peculiarly Q«AP. u.
important, and the growing misunderstandings 1733
between the two countries threatened serious con- l7lQ7f
sequences should their adjustment be much longer
delayed, it was determined to appoint a minister
plenipotentiary to represent the United States at
the court of Great Britain ; and in February 1785,
Mr. John Adams was elected to this interesting Mr Adams
embassy. His endeavours to give stability to the^
commercial relations between the two countries British6

i • i • i i 11 i cabinet.

by a compact which might be mutually advan-
tageous to them, were not successful. Some
overtures were made on his part, but the cabinet
of London declined the negotiation. The gov*
ernment of the United States, it was said, was
unable to secure the observance of any general
commercial regulations ; and it was deemed un-
wise to enter into stipulations which could not be
of reciprocal obligations. In fact, it is not pro-
bable that any terms could have been offered by
Mr. Adams, which would induce the British
nation to grant advantages that would have been
satisfactory to America. The latter country ex-
pected great relaxations of the navigation act, and
a free admission into the colonies of the former ;
and believed their commerce of sufficient impor-
tance to obtain these objects if it could be regu-
lated by a single legislature. But those who en-
tertained this opinion also thought, that so long as
the American trade remained subject to the legis-
lation of thirteen distinct sovereignties, no system
could be adopted and rendered permanent, which
might impose such restraints OF burdens on

72 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. British ships or merchants, as would make it the
1783 interest of that nation to relax any of those prin-
jyj^ ciples on which its maritime grandeur is supposed,
in a great measure, to be founded. The several
states, acting without concert, would be no match
for Britain in a war of commercial regulation ;
and instead of procuring the advantages they
sought, could not even furnish sufficient induce-
ments for surrendering the power of subjecting
the trade between the two countries to such mo-
, difications as the circumstances of the moment
might suggest. The reflecting part of America
did not require this additional evidence of the
sacrifice which had been made of the national in-
terest on the altars of state jealousy, to demon-
strate the defectiveness of the existing system.
By them, the mischiefs resulting from that im-
potence, had long been seen and deplored ; and
their best endeavours had been used to communi-
cate the same conviction to others. On the mind
of no person had these impressions been more
strongly made, than on that of general Washington.
His extensive correspondence bears ample testi-
mony to the solicitude with which he contemplated
the proceedings of the states on this interesting
subject.

The opinion he sought to inculcate was, that
the trade of the United States was not less impor-
tant to Great Britain, than was that of the latter
to the former ; and therefore, that a commercial
intercourse between the two nations might be es-
tablished on equal terms, if the political arrange-
ments in America would enable its government to

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 73

guard its interests; but without such arrangements, CHAP. n.
those interests could not be protected, and Ame- 1733
rica must appear in a very contemptible point
of view to those with whom she was endeavouring
to form commercial treaties, without possessing
the means of carrying them into effect :...who
" must see and feel that the union, or the states
individually are sovereign as best suits their pur-
poses :...in a word, that we are one nation to day,
and thirteen to-morrow. Who," he added, *'will
treat with us on such terms?"

About this time, general Washington received
a long and affectionate letter from the marquis de
La Fayette, who had just returned from a tour
through the north of Europe. In communicating
the occurrences at the courts he had visited, and
especially at that of Prussia, whose aged and
distinguished monarch, uniting the acquirements
of the scholar with the most profound skill in the
art of war, could bestow either literary or military
fame, he dwelt with enthusiasm on the plaudits
which were universally bestowed on his military
patron and paternal friend. " I wish," he added,
" the other sentiments I have had occasion to
discover with respect to America, were equally
satisfactory with those that are personal to
yourself. I need not say that the spirit, the
firmness, with which the revolution was con-
ducted, has excited universal admiration :... That
every friend to the rights of mankind is an enthu-
siast for the principles on which those consti-
tutions are built :... but I have often had the
mortification to hear, that the want of powers in

VOL. v. L

74 THE LIFE OF

C"AP. "• congress, of union between the states, of energy
ires in their government, would make the confede-
1787. ration very insignificant. "By their conduct in the
revolution," he added, "the citizens of America
have commanded the respect of the world ; but it
grieves me to think they will in a measure lose it,
unless they strengthen the confederation, give
congress power to regulate their trade, pay off
their debt, or at least the interest of it, establish
a well regulated militia, and, in a word, complete
all those measures which you have recommended
to them."

" Unhappily for us," said the general in reply,
" though the reports you mention are greatly
exaggerated, our conduct has laid the foundation
for them. It is one of the evils of democratic
governments, that the people not always seeing,
and frequently misled, must often feel before they
act right. But evils of this nature seldom fail to
work their own cure. It is to be lamented never-
theless, that the remedies are so slow, and that
those who wish to apply them seasonably, are
not attended to before they suffer in person, in
interest, and in reputation. I am not without
hopes that matters will soon take a favourable turn
in the federal constitution. The discerning part
of the community have long since seen the neces-
sity of giving adequate powers to congress for
national purposes, and those of a different des-
cription must yield to it ere long."

While the recommendation of the 30th of
April 1784 was before the states, many causes
contributed to diffuse through the community

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 75

such a general dissatisfaction with the existing CHAP. u.
state of hings, as to prepare the way for some izas
essential change in the American system. In the 1737.
course of the long war which had been carried on
in the bosom of their country, the people of the
United States had been greatly impoverished.
Their property had been seized for the support of
both armies, and much of their labour had been
drawn from agriculture for the performance of
military service. The naval power of their enemy
had almost annihilated their commerce ; from
which resulted the two fold calamity, that imported
commodities were enhanced to an enormous price,
while those for exportation were reduced much
below their ordinary value. The inevitable
consequence was, that those consumable articles
which habit had rendered necessary, were ex-
hausted ; and peace found the American people,
not only destitute of the elegancies, and even of
the conveniences of life, but also without the
means of procuring them, otherwise than by
anticipating the proceeds of future industry.
On opening their ports, an immense quantity of
foreign merchandise was introduced into the
country, and they were tempted by the sudden
cheapness of imported goods, and by their own
wants, to purchase beyond their capacities for
payment. Into this indiscretion, they were in
some measure beguiled by their own sanguine
calculations on the value which a free trade would
bestow on the produce of their soil, and by a
reliance on those evidences of the public debt
which were in the hands of most of them. So

L 2

76 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. extravagantly too did many estimate the temp.
1783 tation which equal liberty and vacant lands would
1787. h°ld out to emigrants from the old world, as to
entertain the opinion that Europe was about to
empty itself into America, and that the United
States would derive from that source such an
increase of population, as would enhance their
lands to a price heretofore not even conjectured.
Co-operating with the cause last mentioned, was
the impression which had been made by paper
money on public morals, and on public opinion.
It had not escaped observation that every pur-
chaser on credit, however excessive the price
might apparently be, had not only been relieved
by the depreciation, but had derived great gains
from his contract. Speculating on a similar course
of things, many individuals had made extensive
purchases at high prices; and had thus contri-
buted to continue for a time, the deception prac-
tised on themselves by those who supposed that
the revolution was a talisman, whose magic
powers were capable of changing the nature of
things. The delusive hopes created by these
visionary calculations were soon dissipated, and
a great proportion of the inhabitants found them-
selves involved in debts they were unable to dis-
Discontents charge. One of the consequences resulting from
Americans this unprosperous state of things was a general
commercial discontent with the course of trade. It had com-

regul.tt ions

of Britain. mence(j vvith the native merchants of the north,
who found themselves incapable of contending in
their own ports with certain foreigners ; and was
soon communicated to others. The gazettes of

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 77

Boston contained some very animated and angry CHAP.H.
addresses, which produced resolutions for the 1783
government of the citizens of that town, appli-
cations to their state legislature, a petition to con-
gress, and a circular letter to the merchants of the
several seaports throughout the United States.
After detailing the disadvantages under which
the trade and navigation of America laboured, in
consequence of the free admission of the ships
and commodities of Great Britain into their ports,
while their navigation in return was discouraged,
and their exports either prohibited from entering
British ports, or loaded with the most rigorous
exactions : after stating the ruin which must
result from the continuance of such a system, and
their confidence that the necessary powers to the
federal government would be soon, if not already,
delegated, the petition to congress thus concludes:
" Impressed with these ideas, your petitioners beg
leave to request of the very august body which
they have now the honour to address, that the
numerous impositions of the British, on the trade
and exports of these states, may be forthwith
contravened by similar expedients on our part:
else may it please your excellency and honours,
the commerce of this country, and of consequence
its wealth, and perhaps the union itself, may
become victims to the artifice of a nation whose
arms have been in vain exerted to accomplish the
ruin of America."

The merchants of the city of Philadelphia pre-
sented a memorial to the legislature of that state,
in which, after lamenting it as a fundamental

78 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. defect in the constitution that full and entire
1783 power over the commerce of the United States
had not been originally vested in congress, " as
no concern common to many could be conducted
to a good end, but by a unity of councils ;" they
say; " hence it is that the intercourses of the
states are liable to be perplexed and injured by
various and discordant regulations, instead of that
harmony of measures on which the particular as
well as general interests depend ; productive of
mutual disgusts, and alienation among the several
members of the empire.

" But the more certain inconveniences foreseen
and now experimentally felt, flow from the un-
equal footing this circumstance puts us on with
other nations, and by which we stand in a very
singular and disadvantageous situation ; for while
the whole of our trade is laid open to these nations,
they are at liberty to limit us to such branches of
theirs as interest or policy may dictate ^..unre-
strained by any apprehensions, as long as the
power remains severally with the states, of being
met and opposed by any consistent and effectual
restrictions on our part."

This memorial prayed that the legislature would
endeavour to procure from congress, a recom-
mendation to the several states, to vest in that
body the necessary powers over the commerce of
the United States.

It was immediately taken into consideration,
and resolutions were passed conforming to its
prayer. Similar applications were made by other
commercial towns.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 79

From these proceedings, and from the general CHAP. n.
representations made by the American merchants, 1783
general Washington had augured the most happy
effects. " The information," said he in a letter

an intimate friend * in Great Britain, " which
you have given of the disposition of a certain
court, coincides precisely with the sentiments I
had formed of it from my own observations on
many late occurrences. With respect to our-
selves, I wish I could add that as much wisdom
had pervaded our councils, as reason and common
policy most evidently dictated. But the truth is,
the people must feel before they will see ; con-
sequently they are brought slowly into measures
of public utility. Past experience, or the admo-
nitions of a few, have but little weight. But
evils of this nature work their own cure, though
the remedy comes slower than comports with the
wishes of those who foresee, or think they foresee
the danger.

"With respect to the commercial system which
Great Britain is pursuing with this country, the
ministers, in this as in other matters, are defeating
their own end, by facilitating the grant of those
powers to congress, which will produce a coun-
teraction of their plans, and with which, but for
those plans, half a century would not have in-
vested that body.

" The restrictions on our trade, and the addi-
tional duties which are imposed on many of our
staple commodities, have put all the commercial

* Mr. Fairfax.

80 THE LIFE OF

CHAP- "• people of this country in motion. They now see
1783 the indispensable necessity of a general controlling
1787. power, and are addressing their respective assem-
blies to grant it to congress. Before this, every
state thought itself competent to regulate its own,
trade ; and we were verifying the observations of
lord Sheffield, who supposed we never could
agree on any general plan; but those who will go
a little deeper into matters than his lordship seems
to have done, will perceive that in any measure
where the general interest is touched, however
wide apart the politics of individual states may
be, yet as soon as it is discovered, they will unite
to effect a common good."

In a letter written about the same time to the
marquis de La Fayette, he thus expressed his
hope of the consequences which would attend the
efforts then making to enlarge the powers of con-
gress. " However unimportant America may be
considered at present, and however Britain may
affect to despise her trade, there will assuredly
come a day when this country will have some
weight in the scale of empires."

But a union of the states to confer on the gen-
eral government the beneficial powers in question,
was not so near being effected as was hoped by
its friends. A resolution was moved in congress,
recommending it to the several states to vest in
that body full authority to regulate their com-
merce, both external and internal, and to impose
such duties as might be necessary for that purpose.
This power was to be fettered with several ex-
traordinary limitations, which might render it

GEORGE WASHINGTON. gj

more acceptable to the governments who were CHAP. n.
asked to bestow it, among which was a provision pgs
that the duties should be " collectable under the
authority, and accrue to the use of the state in
which the same should be made payable."
Notwithstanding these restrictions, marking the
keen sighted jealousy with which any encroach-
ment on state sovereignty was watched, this
resolution encountered much opposition even in
congress. This opposition did not originate, ex-
clusively, in the solicitude of the members to
preserve the prerogatives of the states. It was in
part to be ascribed to that unreasonable suspicion
which grew out of an opinion, that on commercial
subjects, the interests of different parts of the
union conflicted with each other.

These resolutions were never agreed to, and
the general discontent continued to increase.

During these transactions, the public attention
was called to another subject which served to
impress still more powerfully on every reflecting
and disinterested mind, the necessity of enlarging
the powers of the general government, were it
only to give efficacy to those which in theory it
already possessed.

The uneasiness occasioned by the infractions of
the treaty of peace on the part of Great Britain,
has been already noticed. To obtain its com-
plete execution, constituted one of the objects
for which Mr. Adams had been deputed to the
court of St. James. A memorial presented by
that minister in December 1785, urging the
complaints of America, and pressing for a full

VOL. V. M

32 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. compliance with the treaty, was answered by an
irss enumeration of the violations of that compact on
irsr. ^e part of the United States. The marquis of
Carmarthen acknowledged explicitly the obliga-
tion created by the seventh article to withdraw the
British garrisons from every post within the United
States ; but insisted that the obligation created by
the fourth article, to remove every lawful impedi-
ment to the recovery of bona fide debts, was
equally clear and explicit.

"The engagements entered into by a treaty
ought," he said, "to be mutual, and equally
binding on the respective contracting parties. It
would therefore be the height of folly as well as
injustice, to suppose one party alone obliged to a
strict observance of the public faith, while the
other might remain free to deviate from its own
engagements as often as convenience might render
such deviation necessary, though at the expense
of its own credit and importance."

He concluded with the assurance, "that when-
ever America should manifest a real determination
to fulfil her part of the treaty, Great Britain would
not hesitate to prove her sincerity to co-operate
in whatever points depended upon her, for carrying
every article of it into real and complete effect."

Accompanying this letter was a statement of
the infractions of the fourth article, which were
alleged by the subjects of his Britannic majesty
to have been committed by the United States.
Copies of both documents were immediately
transmitted by Mr. Adams to congress, by whom
they were referred to Mr. Jay, the secretary for

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 33

foreign affairs. The report of that upright minister CHAP. n.
did not, by contravening facts, affect to exculpate
his country. " Some of the facts" said he in a
letter to general Washington, written after per-
mission to communicate the papers had been
given, "are inaccurately stated and improperly
coloured ; but it is too true that the treaty has
been violated. On such occasions, I think it
better fairly to confess and correct errors, than
attempt to deceive ourselves and others, by falla-
cious though plausible palliations and excuses.

" To oppose popular prejudices, to censure
the proceedings and expose the impropriety of
states, is an unpleasant task, but it must be
done."

That the United States might with reason be
required to fulfil the treaty before they could
entitle themselves to demand a strict performance
of it on the part of Great Britain, was a position
the propriety of which they were prevented from
contesting by the miserably defective organiza-
tion of the government. If in theory the treaties
formed by congress were obligatory, yet it had
been demonstrated that in practice, that body was
absolutely unable to carry them into execution.

It was consequently impossible to insist that
the evacuation of the western posts should pre-
cede the removal of the impediments to the bona
fide execution of the treaty on the part of America.
Their earnest endeavours therefore, were exerted
to prevail on the several states to repeal all
existing laws which might be repugnant to the
treaty of peace. The resolutions which were

M 2

84 THE LIFE OF

f^^i passed on that subject, and the circular letted
1783 which accompanied them to the several governors,
1787. contain arguments which ought to have demon-
strated to all, the constitutional obligation of a
treaty negotiated under the authority of congress,
and the real policy, as well as the moral duty of
faithfully executing that which had been formed
with Great Britain. To the infinite mortification of
those who respected the character of the nation,
these earnest representations did not produce all
the effect which was to have been expected from
them. " It was impolitic and unfortunate, if not
unjust in those states" said general Washington
to a member of congress by whom the objec-
tionable conduct of America was first intimated
to him, "to pass laws which by fair construction
might be considered as infractions of the treaty of
peace. It is good policy at all times to place
one's adversary in the wrong. Had we observed
good faith, and the western posts had been with-
held from us by Great Britain, we might have
appealed to God and man for justice.*

" What a misfortune it is," said he in reply to
the secretary for foreign affairs, "that the British

* The following is an extract from a letter on the same
subject. " From the acknowledged abilities of the secretary
for foreign affairs, I have no doubt of his having ably investi-
gated the infractions of the treaty on both sides... .Much it is
to be regretted however, that there should have been any on
ours.. -.We seem to have forgot, or never to have learnt, the
policy of placing one's enemy in the Avrong...Had we observed
good faith on our part, we might have told our tale to the
world, with a good grace, but complaints ill become those
•who are found to be the first aggressors."

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 35

should have so well grounded a pretext for their CHAP. H.
palpable infractions, and what a disgraceful part, 1783
out of the choice of difficulties before us, are we 17rgr>
to act!"

The discontents arid uneasiness, arising in a great
measure from the embarrassments in which a con-
siderable number of individuals were involved,
continued to become more extensive. At length, Rise of

parties in the

two great parties were formed in every state, ££|£d
which were distinctly marked, and which pursued
distinct objects, with systematic arrangement.

The one struggled with unabated zeal for the
exact observance of public and private engage-
ments. By those belonging to it, the faith of a
nation, or of a private man was deemed a sacred
pledge, the violation of which was equally for-
bidden by the principles of moral justice, and of
sound policy. The distresses of individuals were,
they thought, to be alleviated only by industry and
frugality, not by a relaxation of the laws, or by a
sacrifice of the rights of others. According to
the stern principles laid down for their govern-
ment, the imprudent and idle could not be pro-
tected by the legislature from the consequences
of their indiscretion ; but should be restrained
from involving themselves in difficulties, by the
conviction that a rigid compliance with contracts
would be enforced. They were consequently the
uniform friends of a regular administration of
justice, and of a vigorous course of taxation
which would enable the state to comply with its
engagements. By a natural association of ideas,
they were also, with very few exceptions, in

36 THE LIFE OP

CHAP. n. favour of enlarging the powers of the federal
1783 government, and of. enabling it to protect the
1787. dignity and character of the nation abroad, and
its interests at home. The other party marked
out for itself a more indulgent course. Viewing
with extreme tenderness the case of the debtor,
their efforts were unceasingly directed to his
relief. To exact a faithful compliance with con-
tracts was, in their opinion, a measure too harsh
to be insisted on, and was one which the people
would not bear. They were uniformly in favour of
relaxing the administration of justice, of affording
facilities for the payment of debts, or of sus-
pending their collection, and of remitting taxes.
The same course of opinion led them to resist
every attempt to transfer from their own hands
into those of congress, powers which by others
were deemed essential to the preservation of the
union. In many of the states, the party last
mentioned constituted a decided majority of the
people ; and in all of them, it was very powerful.
The emission of paper money, the delay of legal
proceedings, and the suspension of the collection
of taxes, were the fruits of their rule wherever
they were completely dominant. Even where
they failed in carrying their measures, their
strength was such as to encourage the hope
of succeeding in a future attempt; and annual
elections held forth to them the prospect of
speedily repairing the loss of a favourite question.
Throughout the union, the contest between these
parties was periodically revived ; and the public
mind was perpetually agitated with hopes and

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 87

fears on subjects which essentially affected the CHAP. n.
fortunes of a considerable proportion of the 1733
society. 17g7.

These contests were the more animated, because,
in the state governments generally, no principle*
had been introduced which could resist the wild
projects of the moment, give the people an op-
portunity to reflect, and allow the good sense of
the nation time for exertion. This uncertainty
with respect to measures of great importance to
every member of the community, this instability
in principles which ought if possible to be rendered
immutable, produced a long train of ills ; and is
seriously believed to have been among the ope-
rating causes of those pecuniary embarrassments,
which at that time were so general as to influence
the legislation of almost every state in the union.
Its direct consequence was the loss of confidence
in the government, and in individuals. This, so
far as respected the government, was peculiarly
discernible in the value of state debts.

The war having been conducted by nations iu
many respects independent of each other, the
debts contracted in its prosecution were due, in.

* In the constitution of Maryland, the senate was elected
in such a manner as to bring a great proportion of character,
wealth and talents into that branch of the legislature, and
its duration was six years, during which vacancies in their
body were filled up by themselves. A great majority of the
house of delegates, declared in favour of paper money, but
the bill was rejected in the senate. Each party made great
exertions at the ensuing elections, and those against pape*
emission obtained the victory.

88 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. ii. part from the United States, and in part from the
1783 individual states who became immediately res-
1787. P°nsible to the creditors, retaining their claim
against the government of the union for any ba-
lances which might appear to be due on a general
settlement of accounts.

That the debt of the United States should have
greatly depreciated will excite no surprise, when
it is recollected that the government of the union
possessed no funds, and, without the assent of
zealous and independent sovereigns, could ac-
quire none, to pay the accruing interest : but the
depreciation of the debt due from those states
which made an annual and adequate provision
for the interest, can be ascribed only to a want of
confidence in governments which were controled
by no fixed principles, and is therefore not entirely
unworthy of attention. In many of those states
which had repelled every attempt to introduce
into circulation a depreciated medium of com-
merce, or to defeat the annual provision of funds
for the payment of the interest, the debt sunk in
value to such a degree, that those creditors who
were induced by their necessities, or want of
confidence in their rulers, to transfer their public
securities, were compelled to submit to a loss of
from ten to sixteen or seventeen shillings in the
pound. However unexceptionable might be the
conduct of the existing legislature, the hazard
from those which were to follow was too great to
be encountered without an immense premium. In
private transactions, an astonishing degree of dis-
trust also prevailed. The bonds of men whose

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 89

competency to pay their debts was unquestionable, CHAP. H.
could not be negotiated but at a discount of 1733
thirty, forty, and fifty per centum : real property
was scarcely vendible ; and sales of any article
for ready money could be made only at a ruinous
loss. The prospect of extricating the country
from these embarrassments was by no means flat-
tering. Whilst every thing else fluctuated, some
of the causes which produced this calamitous state
of things were permanent. The hope and fear
still remained, that the debtor party would obtain
the victory at the elections ; and instead of making
the painful effort to obtain relief by industry and
economy, many rested all their hopes on legislative
interference. The mass of national labour, and
of national wealth, was consequentl}' diminished.
In every quarter were found those \vho asserted it
to be impossible for the people to pay their public
or private debts ; and in some instances, threats
were uttered of suspending the administration of
justice by private violence.

By the enlightened friends of republican gov-
ernment, this gloomy state of things was viewed
with infinite chagrin ; and many became appre-
hensive that those plans from which so much
happiness to the human race had been anticipated,
would produce only real misery ; and would
maintain but a short and a turbulent existence.
Meanwhile, the wise and thinking part of the
community, who could trace evils to their source,
laboured unceasingly to inculcate opinions favour-
able to the incorporation of some principles into

VOL. v. N

O THE LIFE OF

CHAP.II. the political system, which might correct the ob-
~1783 vious vices, without endangering the free spirit of
1787. *he existing institutions.

While the advocates for union exerted them-
selves to impress its necessity on the public mind,
measures were taken in Virginia, which, though
they had originated in different views, terminated
in a proposition for a general convention to revise
the state of the union.

To form a compact relative to the navigation of
the rivers Potomac and Pocomoke, and of part of
the bay of Chesapeak, by the citizens of Virginia
and Maryland, commissioners were appointed by
the legislatures of those states respectively, who
assembled at Alexandria in March 1785. While
at Mount Vernon on a visit, they agreed to pro.
pose to their respective governments, the appoint-
ment of other commissioners, with power to make
conjoint arrangements, to which the assent of con-
gress was to be solicited, for maintaining a naval
force in the Chesapeak. The commissioners were
also to be empowered to establish a tariff of duties
on imports, to which the laws of both states should
conform. When these propositions received
the assent of the legislature of Virginia, an ad-
ditional resolution was passed, directing that
which respected the duties on imports to be com-
municated to all the states in the union, who were
invited to send deputies to the meeting.

On the 21st of January 1786, a few days after
the passage of these resolutions, another was
adopted appointing certain commissioners, " who
were to meet such as might be appointed by the

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 91

other states in the union, at a time and place to CHAP.H.
be agreed on, to take into consideration the trade 1783
of the United States ; to examine the relative sit- 17lg7
uation and trade of the said states ; to consider
how far a uniform system in their commercial re-
lations may be necessary to their common interest,
and their permanent harmony ; and to report to
the several states such an act relative to this great
object, as when unanimously ratified by them,
will enable the United States in congress assembled
effectually to provide for the same."

In the circular letter transmitting these resolu-
tions to the respective states, Annapolis in
Maryland was proposed as the place, and the
ensuing September as the time of meeting.

Before the period at which these commissioners
were to assemble had arrived, the idea was carried
by those who saw and deplored the complicated
calamities which flowed from the inefficacy of the
general government, much further than was
avowed by the resolution of Virginia. " Al-
though," said one of the most conspicuous pa-
triots* of the revolution, in a letter to general
Washington dated the 16th of March 1786, " you
have wisely retired from public employments, and
calmly view from the temple of fame, the various
exertions of that sovereignty and independence
which Providence has enabled you to be so greatly
and gloriously instrumental in securing to your
country, yet I am persuaded you cannot view them
with the eye of an unconcerned spectator.

* Mr. Jay.
N 2

92 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. it. " Experience has pointed out errors in our
1783 national government which call for correction, and
1787. which threaten to blast the fruit we expected from
our tree of liberty. The convention proposed by
Virginia may do some good, and would perhaps
do more, if it comprehended more objects.... An
opinion begins to prevail that a general convention
for revising the articles of confederation would be
expedient. Whether the people are yet ripe for
such a measure, or whether the system proposed
to be attained by it is only to be expected from
calamity and commotion, is difficult to ascertain.

" I think we are in a delicate situation, and a
variety of considerations and circumstances give
me uneasiness. It is in contemplation to take
measures for forming a general convention. The
plan is not matured. If it should be well con-
nected and take effect, I am fervent in my wishes
that it may comport with the line of life you have
marked out for yourself, to favour your country
with your councils on such an important and single
occasion. I suggest this merely as a hint for con-
sideration."

In the moment of tranquillity, and of real or
imaginary security, the mind delights to retrace
the intricate path by which this point of repose
has been attained. Even to him who was not an
actor in the busy scene, who enjoys the fruits of
the labour without participating in the toils or the
fears of the patriots who have preceded him, the
sentiments entertained by the most enlightened and
virtuous of America at the eventful period which
followed the restoration of peace, cannot be unin-

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

teresting. " Our affairs," said the same gentle-
man in a letter of the 27th of June, also addressed ,783
to general Washington, "seem to lead to some ^^
crisis, some re volution,... something that I cannot
foresee or conjecture. I am uneasy and appre-
hensive, more so than during the war. Then, we
had a fixed object, and though the means and
time of obtaining it were often problematical, yet
I did firmly believe that we should ultimately suc-
ceed, because I did firmly believe that justice was
with us. The case is now altered... we are going,
and doing wrong, and therefore I look forward to
evils and calamities, but without being able to
guess at the instrument, nature, or measure of
them.

" That we shall again recover, and things again
go well, I have no doubt. Such a variety of cir-
cumstances would not, almost miraculously, have
combined to liberate and make us a nation, for
transient and unimportant purposes....! therefore
believe we are yet to become a great and respec-
table people... but when or how, only the spirit of
prophecy can discern.

" There doubtless is much reason to think and
to say that we are wofully, and, in many instances,
wickedly misled. Private rage for property sup-
presses public considerations, and personal rather
than national interests have become the great
objects of attention. Representative bodies will
ever be faithful copies of their originals, and
generally exhibit a chequered assemblage of vir-
tue and vice, of abilities and weakness. The
mass of men are neither wise nor good, and the

94 THE LIFE ®F

CHAP- "• virtue like the other resources of a country, can
1783 only be drawn to a point by strong circumstances,
1787. abty managed, or strong governments, ably ad-
ministered. New governments have not the aid
of habit and hereditary respect, and being gen-
erally the result of preceding tumult and con-
fusion, do not immediately acquire stability or
strength. Besides, in times of commotion, some
men will gain confidence and importance who merit
neither ; and who, like political mountebanks, are
less solicitous about the health of the credulous
crowd, than about making the most of their
nostrums and prescriptions.

" What I most fear is, that the better kind of
people (by which I mean the people who are
orderly and industrious, who are content with their
situations, and not uneasy in their circumstances)
will be led by the insecurity of property, the loss
of confidence in their rulers, and the want of
public faith and rectitude, to consider the charms
of liberty as imaginary and delusive. A state of
uncertainty and fluctuation must disgust and alarm
such men, and prepare their minds for almost
any change that may promise them quiet and
security."

To this interesting letter, general Washington
made the following reply. " Your sentiments
that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis,
accord with my own. What the event will be is
also beyond the reach of my foresight. We have
errors to correct ; we have probably had too good
an opinion of human nature in forming our con-
federation. Experience has taught us that men

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 95

will not adopt and carry into execution measures CHAP. H.
the best calculated for their own good, without 1733
the intervention of coercive power. I do not
conceive we can exist long as a nation, without
lodging somewhere a power which will pervade
the whole union in as energetic a manner, as the
authority of the state governments extends over
the several states. To be fearful of investing
congress, constituted as that body is, with ample
authorities for national purposes, appears to me
the very climax of popular absurdity and madness.
Could congress exert them for the detriment of
the people, without injuring themselves in an
equal or greater proportion ? are not their inter-
ests inseparably connected with those of their
constituents ? by the rotation of appointment,
must they not mingle frequently with the mass of
citizens ? is it not rather to be apprehended, if
they were possessed of the powers before described,
that the individual members would be induced to
use them, on many occasions, very timidly and
inefficaciously, for fear of losing their popularity
and future election ? we must take human nature
as we find it : perfection falls not to the share of
mortals. Many are of opinion that congress have
too frequently made use of the suppliant humble
tone of requisition in applications to the states,
when they had a right to assert their imperial
dignity, and command obedience. Be that as it
may, requisitions are a perfect nullity, where
thirteen sovereign, independent, disunited states,
are in the habit of discussing, and refusing or
complying with them at their option. Requisitions

gg THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. arc actually little better than a jest and a bye word
1783 throughout the land. If you tell the legislatures
iygr< they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded
the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will
laugh in your face. What then is to be done ?...
Things cannot go on in the same train forever.
It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the
better kind of people, being disgusted with these
circumstances, will have their minds prepared for
any revolution whatever. We are apt to run from
one extreme into another. To anticipate and
prevent disastrous contingencies, would be the
part of wisdom and patriotism.

" What astonishing changes a few years are
capable of producing ! I am told that even res-
pectable characters speak of a monarchical form
of government without horror. From thinking,
proceeds speaking, thence to acting is often but a
single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous !
what a triumph for our enemies to verify their
predictions !... what a triumph for the advocates
of despotism to find that we are incapable of
governing ourselves, and that systems founded on
the basis of equal liberty are merely ideal and
falacious ! Would to God that wise measures
may be taken in time to avert the consequences
we have but too much reason to apprehend.

" Retired as I am from the world, I frankly
acknowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned
spectator. Yet having happily assisted in bringing
the ship into port, and having been fairly dis-
charged, it is not my business to embark again
on a sea of troubles.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 97

"Nor could it be expected that my sentiments CHAP. n-
and opinions would have much weight on the minds 1733
of my countrymen. ...They have been neglected, 17lg7<
though given as a last legacy in the most solemn
manner....! had then perhaps some claims to
public attention....! consider myself as having
none at present."

The convention at Annapolis was attended by The conven.
commissioners from only jive states.* Having A^na^oiis.
appointed Mr. Dickinson their chairman, they
proceeded to discuss the objects for which they
had convened. It was soon perceived that powers
much more ample than had been confided to them
would be requisite to enable them to effect the
beneficial purposes which they contemplated.

For this reason, as well as in consideration of
the small number of states which were represented,
the convention determined to rise without coming
to any specific resolutions on the particular subject
which had been referred to them. Previous to
their adjournment however, they agreed on a
report to be made to their respective states, in
which was represented the necessity of extending
the revision of the federal system to all its defects,
and in which they recommended that deputies for
that purpose be appointed by the several legisla-
tures, to meet in convention in the city of Phila-
delphia, on the second day of the ensuing May.

The reasons for preferring a convention to a
discussion of this subject in congress were stated

* New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Mary-
land and Virginia.
VOL. V.

$8 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, n. to be, " that in the latter body, it might be too
1783 much interrupted by the ordinary business before
mr. them, and would, besides, be deprived of the valu-
able counsels of sundry individuals who were dis-
qualified by the constitution or laws of particular
states, or restrained by peculiar circumstances
from a seat in that assembly."

A copy of this report was transmitted to congress
in a letter from the chairman, stating the ineffi-
ciency of the federal government, and necessity of
devising such further provisions as would render it
adequate to the exigencies of the union.
Sosin«a On receiving this report, the legislature of Vir-
meet thoseof ginia passed an act for the appointment of deputies
states atr to meet such as mieht be appointed by other states ;

Philadelphia . . _. . J

for the pur. to assemble in convention at Philadelphia, at the

pose of revi-

.fcdfiSf tirae and for the purposes specified in the recom-
system. jnendation from the convention which had met at
Annapolis.

In communicating to general Washington the
measure which had been adopted in Virginia, its
principal advocate* thus intimated the intention
of aiding it by the influence and character of the
chief of the revolution. " It has been thought ad-
visable to give this subject a very solemn dress,
and all the weight which could be derived from
a single state. This idea will also be pursued in
the selection of characters to represent Virginia
in the federal convention. You will infer our
earnestness on this point, from the liberty which
will be used of placing your name at the head of

* Mr. Madison.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 99

them. How far this liberty may correspond with CHAP. n.
the ideas by which you ought to be governed, 1733
will be best decided where it must ultimately be
decided. In every event it will assist powerfully
in marking the zeal of our legislature, and its
opinion of the magnitude of the occasion."

"Although" said the general in reply, "I have
bid a public adieu to the public walks of life, and
had resolved never more to tread that theatre;
yet, if upon an occasion so interesting to the well
being of the confederacy, it had been the wish of
the assembly that I should be ?»n associate in the
business of revising the federal system, I should
from a sense of the obligation I am under for
repeated proofs of confidence in me, more than
from any opinion I could entertain of my useful-
ness, have obeyed its call ; but it is now out of
my power to do this with any degree of con-
sistency...the cause I will mention.

" I presume you hfear.d sir, that I was first
appointed, and have since been rechosen president
of the society of the Cincinnati ; and you may
have understood also, that the triennial general
meeting of this body -is to be held in Philadelphia
the first monday in May next. Some particular
reasons combining with the peculiar situation
of my private concerns, the necessity of paying
attention to them, a wish for retirement and
relaxation from public cares, and rheumatic pains
which I begin to feel very sensibly, induced me
on the 31st ultimo, to address a circular letter to
each state society, informing them of my intention
not to be at the next meeting, and of my desire

o 2

}QO THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. not to be rechosen president. The vice president
1783 *s a^so informed of this, that the business of the
1787. society may not be impeded by my absence.
Under these circumstances, it will readily be per-
ceived that I could not appear at the same time
and place on any other occasion, without giving
offence to a very respectable and deserving part of
the community... the late officers of the American
army."

G washing. Notwithstanding this letter, the name of general
(*e of them. Washington was not withdrawn, and he was unani-
mously chosen a member of the convention. On
receiving private information of this appointment,
he addressed a second letter to his confidential
friend, in which he detailed more at large, the
motives which induced him to decline a service,
the importance of which he felt sensibly, and
which he would willingly have undertaken but
for the peculiar circumstances which were stated.
His name however, was continued in the ap-
pointment. The gloomy aspect of affairs in the
north rendered this the more necessary, and it
was thus explained by his correspondent. "I
have considered well the circumstances which it
(your letter) confidentially discloses, as well as
those contained in your preceding favour. The
difficulties which they oppose to an acceptance of
the appointment in which you are included, can
as little be denied, as they can fail to be regretted.
But I still am inclined -to think, that the posture
of our affairs, if it should continue, would prevent
any criticism on the situation which the contem-
porary meetings would place you in ; and wish

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

that at least a door could be kept open for your CHAP. H
acceptance hereafter, in case the gathering clouds
should become so dark and menacing as to super-
cede every consideration but that of our national
existence or safety. A suspense of your ultimate
determination would be nowise inconvenient in a
public view, as the executive are authorized to
fill vacancies, and can fill them at any time ; and
in any event, three out of seven deputies are
authorized to represent the state. How far it
may be admissible in another view, will depend
perhaps in some measure on the chance of your
finally undertaking the service, but principally on
the correspondence which is now passing on the
subject, between yourself and the governor."

The governor of Virginia,* who was himself
also elected to the convention, transmitted to
general Washington the act, and the vote of the
assembly in the following letter. " By the enclosed
act you will readily discover that the assembly
are alarmed at the storms which threaten the
United States. What our enemies have foretold
seems to be hastening to its accomplishment, and
cannot be frustrated but by an instantaneous,
zealous, and steady union among the friends of
the federal government. To you I need not press
our present dangers. The inefficiency of congress
you have often felt in your official character ; the
increasing languor of our associated republics
you hourly see ; and a dissolution would be, I
know, to you, a source of the deepest mortification.

* Mr( Randolph.

102 THE LIFE OF

CHAP- ". " I freely then entreat you to accept the unani-

1783 mous appointment of the general assembly to

1787. ^e convention at Philadelphia. For the gloomy

prospect still admits one ray of hope, that those

who began, carried on, and consummated the

revolution, can yet rescue America from the

impending ruin."

" Sensible as I am," said the general in reply,
" of the honour conferred on me by the general
assembly of this commonwealth, in appointing
me one of the deputies to a convention proposed
to be held in the city of Philadelphia in May
next, for the purpose of revising the federal con-
stitution ; and desirous as I am on all occasions
of testifying a ready obedience to the calls of my
country... yet sir, there exist at this moment,
circumstances which I am persuaded will render
this fresh instance of confidence incompatible with
other measures which I had previously adopted,
and from which seeing little prospect of disen-
gaging myself, it would be disingenuous not to
express a wish that some other character, on
whom greater reliance can be had, may be substi-
tuted in my place, the probability of my non-
attendance being too great to continue my ap-
pointment.

"As no mind can be more deeply impressed
than mine is with the critical situation of our
affairs, resulting in a great measure from the
want of efficient powers in the federal head, and
due respect to its ordinances, so consequently
those who do engage in the important business of
removing these defects, will carry with them

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 1Q3

every good wish of mine, which the best dis- CHAP.H.
positions towards their obtainment can bestow." 1733

Unwilling to relinquish the advantages which
the legislature had expected to derive from ex-
hibiting the name of Washington at the head of
the Virginia delegation, the executive of that
state refused to consider him as having declined
the appointment. That his judgment had not
completely decided on the course which duty and
patriotism required him to pursue ; that in a
crisis on which probably depended the union of
the states, and the happiness of America, he
refused himself reluctantly to the anxious wishes
of his countrymen; were too apparent not to leave
a hope that events might yet determine him to
conform to their desires. He was therefore em-
phatically requested not to decide absolutely, and
was informed that as no inconvenience would
result from not appointing a successor, the option
of complying with the earnest solicitations of
those who considered the effort about to be made
as the last hope of the union, would as long as
possible be permitted to remain with him. In the
mean time, those who persuaded themselves that
from the proposed convention much good might
result, continued to urge him with delicacy but
with earnestness, not to withhold, on this great
and particular occasion, those inestimable services
which the confidence so justly reposed by the
public in his talents and character, enabled him
alone to render.

Thus circumstanced, general Washington
weighed deliberately in his own mind the argu-

1Q4 THE LIFE OP

CHAP. u. ments for and against accepting the appointment
1783 which was so seriously pressed upon him. That
1787. tne proposed convention was, in any point of
view in which it could be placed, an object of the
first magnitude, appeared to him to be undeniable.
It was apparent that the actual government could
not exist much longer without additional means.
It was therefore necessary to meet the solemn
question whether it ought to be supported or
annihilated. Those who embraced the former part
of the proposition, must contemplate the conven-
tion as the only remaining experiment from which
the federal government could derive powers suffi-
ciently ample for its preservation. Those who
embraced the latter, who thought that on a full
and dispassionate revision of the system, its con-
tinuance would be adjudged impracticable or
unwise, could not hesitate to admit that their
opinion would derive great additional weight from
the sanction of so respectable a body as that
which was about to assemble : and that in such
an event, it was greatly desirable, and would
afford some security against civil discord, to put
the public in possession of a plan prepared and
digested by such high authority. " I must
candidly confess," he added, in a letter to colonel
Humphries, a gentleman of whose judgment and
friendship he entertained a high opinion, " as we
could not remain quiet more than three or four
years in time of peace, under the constitutions of
our own choosing, which were believed in many
states to have been formed with deliberation and
wisdom, I see little prospect either of our agreeing

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 105

on any other, or that we should remain long CHAP..H.
satisfied under it, if we could. Yet I would wish
any thing and every thing essayed to prevent the
effusion of blood, and to avert the humiliating
and contemptible figure we are about to make in
the annals of mankind !"

No person gave to the object more importance,
and no one desired more ardently that the ex-
periment might be completely successful than
himself. Nor was it possible to believe that its
success would not be promoted by his support.
But the objections to his yielding to the wishes
of its advocates were entitled to the most serious
consideration. In addition to that which grew out
of his connexion with the Cincinnati, and to the
reluctance with which he could permit himself to
be drawn on any occasion into a political station,
there were others which could not be disregarded.
By many, a convention not originating in a recom-
mendation of congress, was deemed an illegiti-
mate meeting ; and as the New England states had
neglected the invitation to appear by their repre-
sentatives at Annapolis, there was reason to
apprehend they might be equally inattentive to
the request now made them to assemble at Phila-
delphia. To appear in a public character, for a
purpose not generally deemed of the utmost im-
portance, would not only be unpleasant to himself,
but might diminish his capacity to be useful on
occasions which subsequent events might produce.
" If " said he in a private letter to a military friend,
who had been a member of his family, "this second
attempt to convene the states for the purposes
VOL. v. p

105 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. proposed by the report of the partial representa-
1783 tion at Annapolis in September, should also prove
1787. abortive, it may be considered as unequivocal
evidence that the states are not likely to agree on
any general measure which is to pervade the
union, and of course, that there is an end of the
federal government. The states which make this
last dying essay to avoid this misfortune would
be mortified at the issue, and their deputies would
return home chagrined at their ill success and
disappointment. This would be a disagreeable
circumstance to any one of them, but more par-
ticularly to a person in my situation." His letters
of consultation therefore, with a few confidential
friends, also requested information respecting
those points on which his own judgment might
ultimately be formed. He was particularly de-
sirous of knowing how the proposition made by
Virginia was received in the other states, and what
measures were taken to contravene, or to give it
effect. With the utmost solicitude too he inquired
how the members of the Cincinnati would receive
his appearance in convention, after declining to
be rechosen the president of that society.

By the enlightened friends of the union and of
republican government, the convention was gen-
erally regarded as a measure which afforded the
best chance for preserving liberty and internal
peace. And those whose hopes predominated
over their fears, were anxious to increase the
probability of deriving from it every practicable
good, by retaining on the list of its members,
the most conspicuous name of which America

GEORGE WASHINGTON. JQ7

could boast. But this opinion was not universal. CHAP. n.
Among those who felt the importance of the crisis, j783
and who earnestly wished that a free government,
competent to the preservation of the union, might
be established, there were some who despaired of
a favourable issue to the attempt, and who were
therefore anxious to rescue their general from the
increased mortification which would attend its
failure, should he be personally engaged in it.
They believed that all the states would not be
represented in the convention. In a letter of the
20th of January 1787, colonel Humphries, who
was himself under this impression, thus accounts
for the omission of the federal men in the assembly
of Connecticut, to press the appointment of de-
puties. " The reason," he said, " was a con-
viction that the persons who could be elected
were some of the most anti-federal men in the
state, who believed, or acted as if they believed,
that the powers of congress were already too
unlimited, and who would wish, apparently, to
see the union dissolved. These demagogues,"
continued the letter, really affect to persuade the
people (to use their own phraseology) that they are
only in danger of having their liberties stolen away
by an artful designing aristocracy. But should the
convention be formed under the most favourable
auspices, and should the members be unanimous
in recommending, in the most forcible, the most
glowing, and the most pathetic terms which
language can afford, that it is indispensable to the
salvation of the country, congress should be
clothed with more ample powers, the states" he

p 2

108 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. thought " would not all comply with the recom-
1783 mendation. They have a mortal reluctance to
1787. Divest themselves of the smallest attribute of inde-
pendent separate sovereignties." After assigning
many reasons against accepting the appointment,
this gentleman added : "the result of the conven-
tion may not perhaps be so important as is ex-
pected, in which case your character would be
materially affected. Other people can work up
the present scene. I know your personal influence
and character is justly considered the last stake
which America has to play. Should you not
reserve yourself for the united call of a continent
entire ?

" If you should attend on this convention, and
concur in recommending measures which should
be generally adopted, but opposed in some parts
of the union, it would doubtless be understood
that you had in a degree pledged yourself for
their execution. This would at once sweep you
back inevitably into the tide of public affairs."

The same opinion was also intimated by an-
other military friend who had always possessed a
large portion of the esteem and affection of his
general. After stating the various and contradic-
tory plans of government which were suggested
by the schemers of the day, he added ; "you will
see by this sketch, my dear sir, how various are
the opinions of men, and how difficult it will be to
bring them to concur in any effective government.
I am persuaded, if you were determined to attend
the convention, and it should be generally known,
it would induce the eastern states to send delegates

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 109

to it. I should therefore be much obliged for in- CHAP, n,
formation of your decision on this subject. At 1783
the same time, the principles of the purest and
most respectful friendship induce me to say, that
however strongly I wish for measures which would
lead to national happiness and glory, yet I do not
wish you to be concerned in any political opera-
tions, of which there are such various opinions.
There may indeed arise some solemn occasion, in
which you may conceive it to be your duty again
to exert your utmost talents to promote the hap-
piness of your country. But this occasion must
be of an unequivocal nature, in which the enlight-
ened and virtuous citizens should generally con-
cur."

While the confidential friends of general Wash-
ington, who were, also the advocates of a popular
government, endowed with sufficient energies to
be capable of practical good, were thus in some
measure divided on the part which it behoved
him to act, there was much reason to fear that a
full representation of the states would not be ob-
tained. Among those who were disinclined to a
convention, were persons who were actuated by
different, and even by opposite motives. There
were probably some who believed that a higher
toned* government than was compatible with the
opinions generally prevailing among the friends
of order, of real liberty, and of national character,

* This sentiment was far from being avowed by any cor-
respondent of general Washington, but is stated in the pri-
vate letters to him, to have been taken up by some.

HO THE LIFE OF

CHAP. ii. was essential to the public safety. They believed
1783 that men would only be conducted to that point
1787. through the road of misery into which their follies
would lead them, and that " times must be worse
before they could be better." There were many
who had sketched in their own minds a plan of
government strongly resembling tha- which has
been actually adopted, but who despaired of seeing
so rational a system accepted, or even recom-
mended; "some gentlemen," said the corres-
pondent last mentioned, ** are apprehensive that a
convention of the nature proposed to meet in May
next, might devise some expedient to brace up
the present defective confederation, so as just to
serve to keep us together, while it would prevent
those exertions for a national character which are
essential to our happiness : that in this point of
view it might be attended with the bad effect of
assisting us to creep on in our present miserable
condition, without a hope of a generous consti-
tution, that should, at the same time, shield us
from the effects of faction, and of despotism."*
There were many who discountenanced the con-
vention, because the mode of calling it was deemed
irregular, and some objected to it, because it was
not so constituted as to give authority to the plan
which should be devised. But the great mass of
opposition originated in a devotion to state sove-

* In a subsequent part of the same letter, this gentleman
draws the outlines of a constitution such as he would wish.
It is essentially the same with that which was recommended
by the convention.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

reignty, and in hostility to any considerable aug. CHAP.U

mentation of federal authority. 1733

The ultimate decision of the states on this 171J7-
interesting proposition seems to have been in
some degree influenced by the commotions which
about that time agitated all New England, and
particularly Massachusetts.*

Those causes of discontent which have been inswrrectw

in Massa-

stated to have existed after the restoration of peace,
in every part of the union, were no where more
operative than in New England. The great ex-
ertions which had been made by those states in
the course of the war, had accumulated a mass
of debt, the taxes for the payment of which were
the more burdensome, because their fisheries had
become unproductive. This important branch of
industry, which, before the revolution, had in
some measure compensated for the want of those
rich staples that were possessed by the middle and
southern colonies, had been unavoidably neglected
during the struggle for independence : and, as a
consequence of that independence, had not only
been deprived of the encouragements under which
it had flourished, but its produce was excluded
from markets which had formerly been open to it.
The restlessness produced by the uneasy situ-
ation of individuals, connected with lax notions
concerning public and private faith, and erroneous

* This spirit broke out also with great violence in New
Hampshire ; but it was crushed by the instant and vigorous
exertions of general Sullivan who was at the head of the
executive of that state.

112 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. it. opinions which confound liberty with an exemp-
1783 tion from legal control, produced a state of things
1787. whi°h alarmed all reflecting men, and demon-
strated to many the indispensable necessity of
clothing government with powers sufficiently am-
ple for the protection of the rights of the peaceable
and quiet, from the invasions of the licentious and
turbulent part of the community.

This disorderly spirit was cherished by unli-
censed conventions, which, after voting their own
constitutionality, and assuming the name of the
people, arrayed themselves against the legislature,
and detailed at great length the grievances by
which they alleged themselves to be oppressed.
Its hostility was principally directed against the
compensation promised to the officers of the army,
against taxes, and against the administration of
justice : and the circulation of a depreciated cur-
rency was required, as a relief from the pressure
of public and private burdens which had become,
it was alleged, too heavy to be borne. Against
lawyers and courts, the strongest resentments
were manifested ; and to such a dangerous extent
were these dispositions indulged, that, in many
instances, tumultuous assemblages of people
arrested the course of law, and restrained the
judges* from proceeding in the execution of their

* These mobs were generally successful. One only in-
stance of their failure is stated in the papers which the author
has perused. Colonel Cobb, who had been in the family of
general Washington during the war, had been appointed in
Massachusetts a major general of the militia, and judge of

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

duty. The ordinary recourse to the power of the CHAP. n

county was found an insufficient security, and the 1783
appeals made to reason were attended with no
beneficial effect. The forbearance of the govern.
ment was attributed to timidity rather than to
moderation, and the spirit of insurrection appeared
to be organized into a regular system for the sup-
pression of courts.

In the bosom of Washington, these tumults
excited attention and alarm. " For God's sake
tell me," said he in a letter to colonel Humphries,
" what is the cause of all these commotions ? do
they proceed from licentiousness, British influence
disseminated by the tories, or real grievances
which admit of redress ? if the latter, why was
redress delayed until the public mind had become
so much agitated ? if the former, why are not the
powers of government tried at once ? it is as well
to be without, as not to exercise them. Commo-
tions of this sort, like snow balls, gather strength
as they roll, if there is no opposition in the way
to divide and crumble them."

" As to your question my dear general," said
colonel Humphries in reply, "respecting the
cause and origin of these commotions, I hardly
find myself in condition to give a certain answer.
If from all the information I have been able to

one of their courts. He declared " that he would die as a
general or sit as a judge," and in execution of this declaration,
he appeared on the day of session, at the head of three hun-
dred men. The mob were more numerous, but- did not
choose to resort to violence.
VOL. V. 0

THE LIFE OF

CHAP. ir. obtain, I might be authorized to hazard an
1783 opinion, I should attribute them to all the three
causes which you have suggested. In Massa-
chussetts particularly, I believe there are a few
real grievances ; and also some wicked agents or
emissaries who have been busy in magnifying the
positive evils, and fomenting causeless jealousies
and disturbances. But it rather appears to me,
that there is a licentious spirit prevailing among
many of the people ; a levelling principle ; a desire
of change ; and a wish to annihilate all debts
public and private." " It is indeed a fact," said
general Knox after returning from a visit to the
eastern country, *' that high taxes are the osten-
sible cause of the commotion, but that they are
the real cause is as far remote from truth, as
light is from darkness. The people who are the
insurgents have never paid any, or but very little
taxes. But they see the weakness of government.
They feel at once their own poverty compared
with the opulent, and their own force ; and they
are determined to make use of the latter in order
to remedy the former. Their creed is, that
the property of the United States has been pro-
tected from confiscation by the joint exertions of
all, and therefore ought to be common to all.
And he that attempts opposition to this creed is
an enemy to equity and justice, and ought to be
swept from the face of the earth."

The force of this party throughout New England
was computed by general Knox at twelve or fifteen
thousand men. "They were chiefly," he said, "of
the young and active part of the community, who

GEORGE WASHINGTON. jj£

were more easily collected than kept together. CHAP. n.
Desperate and unprincipled, they would probably j783
commit overt acts of treason which would compel .J"-

17o7.

them, for their own safety, to embody and submit
to discipline. Thus would there be a formidable
rebellion against reason, the principle of all gov-
ernment, and the very name of liberty. This
dreadful situation," he added, " has alarmed
every man of principle and property in New
England. They start as from a dream, and ask...
what has been the cause of our delusion ? what
is to afford us security against the violence of
lawless men ? our government must be braced,
changed, or altered, to secure our lives and our
property. We imagined that the mildness of the
government, and the virtue of the people were so
correspondent, that we were not as other nations,
requiring brutal force to support the laws. But we
find that we are men, actual men, possessing all
the turbulent passions belonging to that animal ;
and that we must have a government proper and
adequate for him. Men of reflection and principle
are determined to endeavour to establish a govern-
ment which shall have the power to protect them
in their lawful pursuits, and which will be efficient
in cases of internal commotions, or foreign inva-
sions. They mean that liberty shall be the basis,
a liberty resulting from the equal and firm admin-
istration of the laws."

Deeply affected by these commotions, general
Washington continued his anxious inquiries res-
pecting the course they threatened to take. "I
feel my dear general Knox," said he in answer

Q.2

116 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. to the letter from which the foregoing extracts
1783 are taken, infinitely more than I can express to
1787. y°u> f°r the disorders which have arisen in these
states. Good God ! who besides a tory could
have foreseen, or a Briton have predicted them ?
I do assure you that even at this moment, when
I reflect upon the present aspect of our affairs, it
seems to me like the visions of a dream. My
mind can scarcely realize it as a thing in actual
existence :...so strange, so wonderful does it
appear to me. In this, as in most other matters,
we are too slow. When this spirit first dawned,
it might probably have been easily checked ; but
it is scarcely within the reach of human ken, at
this moment, to say when, where, or how it
will terminate. There are combustibles in every
state, to which a spark might set fire.

"In bewailing, which I have often done with the
keenest sorrow, the death of our much lamented
friend general Greene,* I have accompanied my
regrets of late with a query, whether he would
not have preferred such an exit to the scenes
which it is more than probable, many of his com-
patriots may live to bemoan."

Ostensibly on account of the danger which
threatened the frontiers, but really, it would seem,
with a view to the situation of Massachussetts,
congress had agreed to augment the military
establishment to a legionary corps of two thou-
sand and forty men and had detached the secretary
of war, general Knox, to the eastward, withdirec-

* This valuable officer died in Georgia in the year

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

tians to concert measures with the government CHAP. n.
of the state for the safety of the arsenal at Spring.
field. So inauspicious was the aspect of affairs,
that fears were seriously entertained that the
torch of civil discord, about to be lighted up in
Massachussetts, would communicate its flame
to all New England, and perhaps spread the con-
flagration throughout the union. Colonel Lee, a
highly respectable member of congress, who had
performed a distinguished part in the war of the
revolution, drew the following picture of the
condition of the eastern country at that time.

tt

" General Knox has just returned, and his report,
grounded on his own knowledge, is replete with
melancholy information. A majority of the people
of Massachussetts are in opposition to the govern-
ment. Some of the leaders avow the subversion
of it to be their object, together with the abolition
of debts, the division of property, and a reunion
with Great Britain. In all the eastern states, the
same temper prevails more or less, and will
certainly break forth whenever the opportune
moment may arrive. The malcontents are in close
connexion with Vermont, and that district, it is
believed, is in negotiation with the government
of Canada. In one word, my dear general, we are
all in dire apprehension that a beginning of anarchy
with all its calamities is made, and we have no
means to stop the dreadful work. Knowing your
unbounded influence, and believing that your
appearance among the seditious might bring them
back to peace and reconciliation, individuals sug-
gest the propriety of an invitation to you from

113 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. congress to pay us a visit. This is only a surmise,

ires and I take the liberty to mention it to you, that,

1787. should the conjuncture of affairs induce congress

to make this request, you may have some previous

time for reflection on it."

" The picture which you have exhibited,"
replied the general, " and the accounts which are
published of the commotions and temper of
numerous bodies in the eastern country, present
a state of things equally to be lamented and depre-
cated. They exhibit a melancholy verification of
what our transatlantic foes have predicted ; and of
another thing perhaps which is still more to be
regretted, and is yet more unaccountable. ..that
mankind when left to themselves are unfit for
their own government. I am mortified beyond
expression when I view the clouds which have
spread over the brightest morn that ever dawned
upon any country. In a word, I am lost in amaze-
ment when I behold what intrigue, the interested
views of desperate characters, ignorance and jea-
lousy of the minor part, are capable of effecting
as a scourge on the major part of our fellow citi-
zens of the union ; for it is hardly to be supposed
that the great body of the people, though they will
not act, can be so short sighted or enveloped in
darkness, as not to see rays of a distant sun
through all this mist of intoxication and folly.

"You talk, my good sir, of employing influence
to appease the present tumults in Massachussetts.
I know not where that influence is to be found ;
nor if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy
for these disorders. Influence is not government*

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Let us have a. government, by which our lives, CH.VIMT.
liberties, and properties will be secured; or let 1733
us know the worst at once. Under these impres-
sions my humble opinion is that there is a call
for decision. Know precisely what the insurgents
aim at. If they have real grievances, redress
them if possible ; or acknowledge the justice of
them, and your inability to do it in the present
moment. If they have not, employ the force of
government against them at once. If this is
inadequate, all will be convinced that the super-
structure is bad, or wants support. To be more
exposed in the eyes of the world, and more con-
temptible than we already are, is hardly possible.
To delay one or the other of these expedients, is
to exasperate on the one hand, or to give confi-
dence on the other, and will add to their numbers;
for like snow-balls, such bodies increase by every
movement, unless there is something in the way
to obstruct and crumble them before their weight
is too great and irresistible.

" These are my sentiments. Precedents are
dangerous things. Let the reins of government
then be braced, and held with a steady hand ; and
every violation of the constitution be reprehended.
If defective, let it be amended, but not suffered
to be trampled upon while it has an existence."

In a letter written about the same period,
colonel Humphries, after stating his apprehensions
that the insurgents would seize the continental
magazine at Springfield, proceeded to add; "a
general failure to comply with the requisitions of
congress for money, seems to prognosticate that

120 THE LIFE OF

CHAP- "•_ we are rapidly advancing to a crisis. The wheels
1783 of the great political machine can scarcely continue
1787. to move much longer, under their present embar-
rassment. Congress I am told are seriously
alarmed, and hardly know which way to turn, or
what to expect. Indeed, my dear general, nothing
but a good Providence can extricate us from our
present difficulties, and prevent, some terrible
conclusion.

" In case of civil discord I have already told
you, it was seriously my opinion that you could
not remain neuter; and that you would be obliged
in self defence, to take part on one side or the
other, or withdraw from the continent. Your
friends are of the same opinion ; and I believe
you are convinced that it is impossible to have
more disinterested or zealous friends, than those
who have been about your person."

" It is," said the general in reply, " with the
deepest and most heartfelt concern, I perceive by
some late paragraphs extracted from the Boston
papers, that the insurgents of Massachussetts, far
from being satisfied with the redress offered by
their general court, are still acting in open viola-
tion of law and government, and have obliged the
chief magistrate in a decided tone to call upon the
militia of the state to support the constitution.
What, gracious God, is man ! that there should
be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in his
conduct. It is but the other day that we were
shedding our blood to obtain the constitutions
under which we now live ^..constitutions of our
own choice and making:... and now, we are un-

GEORGE WASrtlNGTON. 121

sheathing the sword to overturn them. The thing CHAI-. n.
is so unaccountable that I hardly know how to 'irss
realize it ; or to persuade myself that I am not 1737.
under the illusion of a dream.

"My mind, previous to the receipt of your
letter of the first ultimo, had often been agitated
by a thought similar to the one you expressed
respecting an old friend of yours : but heaven
forbid that a crisis should come when he shall be
driven to the necessity of making a choice of
cither of the alternatives there mentioned."

Finding that the lenient measures which had
been taken by the legislature to subdue the re-
sentments of the insurgents only enlarged their
demands ; that the pardon proffered to those who
Would return to their duty was rejected with
scorn; that the conciliating efforts of government
only increased their audacity ; and that they were
proceeding systematically to organize a military
force for the subversion of the constitution ;
governor Bowdoin, who had been probably res-
trained by the temper manifested by the house of
representatives from an earlier resort to force, at
length determined, with the advice of council, on
a vigorous exertion of all the powers he possessed,
for the protection and defence of the common-
wealth. Upwards of four thousand militia were
ordered into service, and were placed under the
Command of the veteran general Lincoln. "His
military reputation," says Mr. Minot, " and
mildness of temper, rendered him doubly capaci-
tated for so delicate and important a trust." But
the public treasury did not afford the means of

VOL. v. R

122 THE LIFE OF

CHAiJ- ". keeping this force in the field a single week, and
178$ the legislature not being in session the constituted
1787. authorities were incapable of putting the troops
in motion. This difficulty was removed by in-
dividual patriotism. From the commencement
of the commotions, the citizens of Boston had
manifested unequivocally their fidelity to the
constitution. On this occasion, a number of
gentlemen with the governor at the head of the
list, subscribed in a few hours a sufficient sum to
carry on the proposed expedition.

In the depth of winter, the troops from the
eastern part of the state assembled near Boston,
and marched towards the scene of action. Those
from the western counties met in arms under
general Shepard, an officer who had served with
reputation through the war of the revolution, and
took possession of the arsenal at Springfield. Be-
fore the arrival of Lincoln, a party of the insur-
gents attempted to dislodge Shepard, but were
repulsed with some loss. Not being pursued
by that officer, who could not venture to weaken
his post by detachments, they continued em-
bodied, but did not venture again to undertake
offensive operations.

Urging his march with the utmost celerity,
Lincoln soon came up ; and pressing the insurgent
army, endeavoured by a succession of rapid move-
ments, in which the ardour of his troops triumphed
over the extreme severity of the season, to dis-
perse, or to bring it to action. Their generals
retreated from post to post with a rapidity which
for some time eluded his designs ; and, rejecting

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

every proposition to lay down their arms, used all CHAP. n.
their address to produce a suspension of hostilities
until an accommodation might be negotiated with
the legislature. " Applications were also made,'*
says general Lincoln, " by committees and select
men of the several towns in the counties of Wor-
cester and Hampshire, praying that the effusion
of blood might be avoided, while the real design
of these applications was supposed to be, to stay
our operations until a new court should be elected.
They had no doubt, if they could keep up their
influence until another choice of the legislature and
of the executive, that matters might be moulded
in general court to their wishes. To avoid this
was the duty of government." In answer to these
applications, Lincoln exhorted those towns who
sincerely wished to put an end to the rebellion
without the effusion of blood, " to recall their
men now in arms, and to aid in apprehending all
abettors of those who should persist in their trea-
son, and all who should yield them any comfort
or supplies."

The army of government continued to brave the
rigours of the climate, and to press the enemy
without intermission. At length, with the loss
of a few killed and several prisoners, the. rebels
were dispersed, their leaders driven out df the
state, and this formidable and wicked rebellion
was completely quelled.

The same love of country which had supported
the officers and soldiers of the late army through
a perilous war, still glowed in their bosoms ; and

the patriot veterans of the revolution, uninfectccl

R 2

124 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. ii. by the wide spreading contagion of the times, ar-
irss rayed themselves almost universally under the
1787. banners of the constitution and of the laws. This
circumstance lessened the prejudices which hac[
been excited against them as creditors of the pub-
lic, and diminished the odium which, in the eas-
tern states especially, had been directed against the
order of the Cincinnati. But the most important
effect of this unprovoked rebellion was, the deep
conviction it produced of the necessity of enlarg-
ing the powers of the general government, and the
consequent direction of the public mind towards
the convention which was to assemble at Phila-
delphia.

In producing this effect, a resolution of congress
had also considerable influence. New York had
given her final veto to the impost system, and in
doing so, had virtually decreed the dissolution of
the existing government. The confederation was
apparently expiring from mere debility. Indeed,
its preservation in its actual condition, had it been
practicable, was scarcely to be desired. Without
the ability to exercise them, it with-held from the
states powers which are essential to sovereignty.
The last hope of its friends having been destroyed,
the vital necessity of some measure which might
prevent the separation of the integral parts of
which the American empire was composed, be-
came apparent even to those who had been unwill-
ing to perceive it ; and congress was restrained
from giving its sanction to the proposed conven-
tion, only by an apprehension that their taking an
interest in the measure would impede rather than

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

promote it. From this embarrassment the mem- CHAP. u.
bers of that body were relieved by the legislature
of New York. A vote of that state, which passed
in the senate by a majority of only one voice, in-
structed its delegation to move in congress a reso-
lution recommending to the several states to
appoint deputies to meet in convention for the
purpose of revising and proposing amendments to
the federal constitution. On the 21st of February
1787, the day succeeding the instructions given
by New York, the subject, which had been for
some time under consideration, was finally acted
upon : and it was declared " in the opinion of
congress, to be expedient that on the second
monday in May next, a convention of delegates
who shall have been appointed by the several
states, be held at Philadelphia, for the sole and
express purpose of revising the articles of confed-
eration, and reporting to congress and the several
legislatures, such alterations and provisions therein,
as shall, when agreed to in congress and confirmed
by the states, render the federal constitution ade-
quate to the exigencies of government, and the
preservation of the union."

This recommendation removed all objections
to the regularity of the convention ; and co- ope.
rated with the impressions made by the licentious
and turbulent spirit which had lately endangered
the peace and liberty of New England, to incline
those states to favour the measure. By giving
the proposed meeting a constitutional sanction,
and by postponing it to a day subsequent to that
on which the Cincinnati were to assemble, it also

126 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. entirely removed one impediment, and greatly
1783 diminished another, to the attendance of general
1787. Washington as a member. He persuaded himself
that by repairing to Philadelphia previous to the
second monclay in May, in order to attend the gen-
eral meeting of the Cincinnati, he should efface
any impressions unfavourable to the attachment
he felt to his military friends, which might other-
wise be excited in their bosoms by his appearing
in a public character, after declining the presi-
dency of their society. The increasing probabil-
ity that the convention would be attended by a full
representation of the states, and would propose a
scheme of government which, if accepted, might
conduce to the public happiness, and would not
be unworthy of his character, had also its influence
on his mind : and an opinion which began to pre-
vail, that the government must be invigorated by
agreement or by force, and that a part of the op-
position to the convention originated in a desire
to establish a system of greater energy than could
spring from consent, by suggesting the idea that
his refusing his aid in the present crisis might be
attributed to a dereliction of republican principles,
furnished additional motives for yielding to the
wishes of his fellow citizens. On the 28th of
March, he addressed a letter to the governor of
Virginia, in which, after stating the reasons which
had induced him to decline attending the conven-
tion, the influence of which he still felt, he added ;
" however, as my friends with a degree of solici-
tude which is unusual, seem to wish for my
attendance on this occasion, I have come to a

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 127

resolution to go if my health will permit, provided CHAP.H.
from the lapse of time between your excellency's* 1733
letter and this reply, the executive may not (the
reverse of which would be highly pleasing to me)
have turned their thoughts to some other char,
acter."

After communicating this determination to the
executive of Virginia, he received a letter from
the secretary of war, one of the small number of
his friends who had endeavoured to dissuade him
from the resolution he had ultimately taken, in
which that officer avowed an entire change of
opinion on this subject. " It is," said he, " the
general wish that you should attend. It is con-
ceived to be highly important to the success of
the propositions which may be made by the con-
vention.

' The mass of the people feel the inconvenience
of the present government, and ardently wish for
such alterations as would remedy them. These
must be effected by reason and by agreement, or
by force. The convention appears to be the only
mean by which to effect them peaceably. If it
should not be attended by a proper weight of wis-
dom and character to carry into execution its
propositions, we are to look to events, and to

* The letter alluded to is the public letter which has been
already stated. Several intermediate private letters had been
written by the governor in which he continued to manifest his
anxious solicitude that the ultimate decision of general
Washington would be favourable to the wishes of the friends
of a convention.

THE LIFE ^F

. force, for a remedy. Were you not then to attend
1783 the convention, slander and malice might suggest
1787. ^at f°rce would be the most agreeable mode of
reform to you. When civil commotion rages,
no purity of character, no services however ex-
alted, can afford a secure shield from the shafts of
calumny.

" On the other hand, the unbounded confidence
the people have in your tried patriotism and wis-
dom, would exceedingly facilitate the adoption of
any important alterations that might be proposed
by a convention of which you were a member,
and (as I before hinted) the president. "
nvention At the time and place appointed, the represen-

Philadel- . r»i IT!-»IJ

a. tatives of twelve states convened. In Rhode
Island alone was found a spirit sufficiently hostile
to every species of reform, to prevent the election
of deputies on an occasion so generally deemed
momentous. Having unanimously chosen gen-
eral Washington for their president, the conven-
tion proceeded, with closed doors, to discuss the
interesting and extensive subject submitted to their
consideration.

On the great principles which should constitute
the basis of their system, not much contrariety of
opinion is understood to have prevailed. But on
the various and intricate modifications of those
principles, an equal degree of harmony was not to
be expected. More than once, there was reason
to fear that the rich harvest of national felicity
which had been anticipated from the ample stock
of worth collected in convention, would all be
blasted by the rising of that body without effecting

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

the object for which it was formed. At length, CHAP. n.
the high importance which was attached to union i783
triumphed over local interests ; and on the 17th ^°87^
of September, that constitution which has been
alike the theme of panegyric and invective, was
presented to the American world.

A resolution of the convention directed that JJ^I^S t
their work should be "laid before the United S^
States in congress assembled, and declared the mTueeVLsth

respective

opinion that it should afterwards be submitted to 1™
a convention of delegates chosen in each state by
the people thereof, under the recommendation of
its legislature, for their assent and ratification."
It was also recommended, "that as soon as the
conventions of nine states should have ratified the
constitution," it should be carried into operation
by the United States in congress assembled, in a
mode which was prescribed. By the unanimous
order of the convention, the instrument itself with
its accompanying resolutions, was transmitted to
congress in a letter subscribed by the president,
in which the constitution was said to be, " the
result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual def-
erence and concession, which the peculiarity of
their political situation rendered indispensable.

" That it will meet the full and entire approba-
tion of every state," continued the letter, " is not
perhaps to be expected ; but each will doubtless
consider, that had her interests been alone con-
sulted, the consequences might have been partic-
ularly disagreeable or injurious to others. That
it is liable to as few exceptions as could reason-
ably have been expected, we hope and believe ;

VOL. v.

0 THE LIFE OF

HAP.II. that it may promote the lasting welfare of that
1783 country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom
1787. and happiness, is our most ardent wish."

Neither the intrinsic merits of the scheme of
government which was thus offered to the Amer-
ican people for their acceptance, nor the imposing
weight of character by which it was supported,
gave assurance to its advocates that it would be
ultimately received. A comparison of the views
and interests by which a powerful party was
actuated, with particular provisions in the consti-
tution which were especially designed to counter-
act those views and interests, prepared them to
. expect a mass of zealous and active opposition,
against which the powers of reason would be in
vain directed, because the real motives in which
it originated would not be avowed. There were
also many individuals, possessing great influence
and respectable talents, who, from judgment, or
from particular causes, seemed desirous of retain-
ing the sovereignty of the states unimpaired, an
of reducing the union to an alliance between inde-
pendent nations. To these descriptions of charac-
ters, joined by those who supposed that an opposi-
tion of interestsexistedbetweendifferentpartsof the
continent, was added a numerous class of honest
men, many of whom possessed no inconsiderable
share of intelligence, who could identify them-
selves perfectly with the state government, but who
considered the government of the United States
as in some respects foreign. The representation
of their particular state not composing a majority
of the national legislature, they could not consider
that body as safely representing the people, and

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

were disposed to measure out power to it with the CHAP.H
same sparing hand with which they would confer it 1733
on persons not chosen by themselves, not accounta-
ble to them for its exercise, nor having any common
interest with them. That power might be abused,
was to persons of this opinion, a conclusive argu-
ment against its being bestowed ; and they seemed
firmly persuaded that the cradle of the constitution
would be the grave of republican liberty. The
friends and the enemies of that instrument were
stimulated to exertion by motives equally power-
ful ; and, during the interval between its publi-
cation and adoption, every faculty of the mind was
strained to secure its reception or rejection. The
press teemed with the productions of temperate,
reason, of genius, and of passion ; and it was
apparent that by each party, power, sovereignty,
liberty, peace, and security ; things most dear to
the human heart, were believed to be staked on
the question depending before the public. From
that oblivion which is the common destiny of
fugitive pieces, treating on subjects which agitate
only for the moment, was rescued by its peculiar
merit a series of essays which first appeared in the
papers of New York. To expose the real circum-
stances of America, and the dangers which hung
over the republic ; to detect the numerous misre-
presentations of the constitution ; to .refute the
arguments of its opponents ; and to confirm and
increase its friends by a full and able develop-
ment of its principles ; three gentlemen,* distin-

* Colonel Hamilton, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Jay.
s2

132 THE LIFE OF

CHAP- "• guished for their political experience, their talents,
1788. and their love of union, gave to the public a suc-
cession of numbers which, collected in two volumes
under the title of the FEDERALIST, will be
read and admired when the controversy in which
that valuable treatise on government originated,
shall be no longer remembered.

To decide the interesting question which
agitated a continent, the best talents of the several
states were assembled in their respective conven-
tions. So balanced were parties in some of them,
that even after the subject had been discussed for
a considerable time, the fate of the constitution
could scarcely be conjectured ; and so small, in
many instances, was the majority in its favour, as
to afford strong ground for the opinion that had the
influence of character been removed, the intrinsic
merits of the instrument would not have secured
its adoption. Indeed it is scarcely to be doubted
that in some of the adopting states, a majority of
the people were in the opposition. In all of them,
the numerous amendments which were proposed,
demonstrate the reluctance with which the new
government was accepted ; and that a dread of
dismemberment, not an approbation of the parti-
cular system under consideration, had induced an
acquiescence in it. The interesting nature of the
question, the equality of the parties, the animation
produced inevitably by ardent debate, had a
necessary tendency to embitter the dispositions of
the vanquished, and to fix more deeply, in many
instances, their prejudices against a plan of gov-
ernment in opposition to which all their passions
were enlisted.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

At length, the conventions of eleven states* as- CHAP. u.
sented to and ratified the constitution ; and the "178g;
preparatory measures were taken for bringing it
into operation.

From the moment the public was possessed of
this new arrangement of their political system,
the attention of all was directed to general Wash-
ington as the first President of the United States.
He alone was believed to fill so pre-eminent a
station in the public opinion, that he might be
placed at the head of the nation without exciting
envy ; and he alone possessed in so unlimited a
degree the confidence of the people, that under

* North Carolina and Rhode Island did not at first accept
the constitution, and New York was apparently dragged into
it by a repugnance to being excluded from the confederacy. By
the convention of that state a circular letter was addressed to
the several states in the union inviting them to unite in
calling a general convention to revise the constitution. The
friends of the constitution seem to have been persuaded that
this measure, if successful, would effectually destroy the
edifice they had erected with so much labour, before an
experience of its advantages could dissipate the prejudiaes
which had been excited against it. " You will have seen,"
said one of its most effective advocates, " the circular. letter
from the convention of this state. It has a most pernicious
tendency. If an early general convention cannot be parried,
it is seriously to be feared that the system which has resisted
so many direct attacks, may be at length successfully under-
mined by its enemies. It is now perhaps to be wished that
Rhode Island may not accede until this new crisis of danger
be over ; some think it would be better if even New York had
held out until the operation of the government could have
dissipated the fears which artifice had created, and the attempts
resulting from those fears and artifices."

134 THE LIFE °F

CHAP. ". his auspices, the friends of the government might
1788. hope to see it introduced with a degree of firmness
which would enable it to resist the open assaults,
and secret plots of its numerous adversaries. By
all who knew him, fears were entertained that his
predeliction for private life would prevail over the
wishes of the public ; and soon after the adoption
of the constitution was ascertained, his corres-
pondents began to press him on a point which was
believed essential to the completion of the great
work on which the grandeur and happiness of
America was supposed to depend. " We cannot,'*
said Mr. Johnson, a gentleman of great political
eminence in Maryland, " do without you, and I,
and thousands more can explain to any body but
yourself, why we cannot do without you." " I have
ever thought," said Mr. Gouverneur Morris, a
gentleman who had been among the most valuable
members of congress through great part of the
war, and who had performed a splendid part in
the general convention, "and have ever said that
you must be the president ; no other man can fill
that office. No other man can draw forth the
abilities of our country into the various depart-
ments of civil life. You alone can awe the inso-
lence of opposing factions, and the greater in-
solence of assuming adherents. I say nothing of
foreign powers, nor of their ministers. With
these last you will have some plague. As to your
feelings on this occasion, they are I know both
deep and affecting; you embark property most
precious on a most tempestuous ocean : for, as
3rou possess the highest reputation, so you expose

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

it to the perilous chance of popular opinion. On CHAP. n.
the other hand, you will, I firmly expect, enjoy i7887
the inexpressible felicity of contributing to the
happiness of all your countrymen. You will
become the father of more than three millions of
children ; and while your bosom glows with pa-
rental tenderness, in theirs, or at least in a majority
of them, you will excite the dutious sentiments
of filial affection. This, I repeat it, is what I
firmly expect ; and my views are not directed by
that enthusiasm which your public character has
impressed on the public mind. Enthusiasm is
generally short sighted and too often blind. I
form my conclusions from those talents and virtues
which the world believes , and which your friends
know you possess."

To those who attribute human action in every
case to the motives which most usually guide the
human mind, it will appear scarcely possible that
the supreme magistracy could possess no charms
for a man long accustomed to command others ;
and that ambition had no share in tempting the
hero of the American revolution to tread once
more the paths of public life. Yet if his commu-
nications to friends to whom he unbosomed the
inmost sentiments of his soul be inspected, it will
be difficult for any to resist the conviction that the
struggle produced by the occasion was unaffected,
and that in accepting the presidency of the United
States, no private passion was gratified ; but the
victory over a decided predeliction for private
life was obtained by a sense of duty, and a deep
conviction of his obligations to his country.

136 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. As this is an important sera in the life of Wash,.
1789. ington, and the motives by which he was actuated
will assist in developing his real character, the
American reader at least will not be displeased,
if copious extracts from his correspondence on
this interesting occasion be taken for the public
eye.

In a letter detailing those arrangements which
were making for the introduction of the new
government, colonel Lee, then a member of con-
gress, which was sitting in New York, proceeded
thus to speak of the presidency of the United
States. " The solemnity of the moment, and its
•application to yourself, have fixed my mind in
contemplations of a public and a personal nature,
and I feel an involuntary impulse which I cannot
resist, to communicate without reserve to you
some of the reflections which the hour has pro-
duced. Solicitous for our common happiness as
a people, and convicted as I continue to be that
our peace and prosperity depend on the proper
improvement of the present period, my anxiety
is extreme that the new government may have an
auspicious beginning. To effect this, and to per-
petuate a nation formed under your auspices, it
is certain that again you will be called forth.

" The same principles of devotion to the good
of mankind, which have invariably governed your
conduct, will no doubt continue to rule your
mind, however opposite their consequences may
be to your repose and happiness. It may be
wrong, but I cannot suppress, in my wishes fchr

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 137

national felicity, a due regard for your personal CHAP, n.
fame and content. 1789.

"If the same success should attend your efforts
on this important occasion which has distinguished
you hitherto, then, to be sure, you will have
spent a life tvhich Providence rarely if ever before
gave to the lot of one man. It is my anxious
hope, it is my belief that this will be the case;
but all things are uncertain, and perhaps nothing
more so than political events " He then pro-
ceeded to state his apprehensions that the govern-
ment might sink under the active hostility of its
foes, and in particular the fears which he enter-
tained from the circular letter of New York,
around which the minorities in the several states
might be expected to rally.

To counteract its baneful influence with the
legislature of Virginia, he expressed his anxious
wish, that Mr. Madison might be prevailed on to
take a seat in that assembly, and then added.

" It would certainly be unpleasant to you, and
obnoxious to all who feel for your just fame, to
see you at the head of a trembling system. It is
a sacrifice on \ our part unjustifiable in any point
of view. But on the other hand no alternative
seems to be presented.

' Without you, the government can have but
little chance of success ; and the people, of that
happiness which its prosperity must yield."

In reply to this letter general Washington said
" your observations on the solemnity of the crisis,
and its application to myself, bring before me
subjects of the most momentous and interesting

VOL. v. T

138 THE LIFE OF

CHAP.II. nature. In our endeavours to establish a new
1789. general government, the contest, nationally con-
sidered, seems not to have been so much for
Letters from glory, as existence. It was for a long time

Gen. Wish- irili • • i

ingtonres. doubtiul whether we were to survive as an inde-

pecting the

chiet m.,gis- pendent republic, or decline from our federal

tracy of the *

new govern. fUornitv into insignificant and wretched fragments

mem.

of empire. The adoption of the constitution so
extensively, and with so liberal an acquiescence on
the part of the minorities in general, promised
the former; but lately, the circular letter of New
York has manifested in my apprehension, an
unfavourable, if not an insidious tendency to a
contrary policy. I still hope for the best; but
before you mentioned it, I could not help fearing
it would serve as a standard to which the disaf-
fected might resort. It is now evidently the part
of all honest men, who are friends to the new
constitution, to endeavour to give it a chance to
disclose its merits and defects by carrying it fairly
into effect, in the first instance.

" The principal topic of your letter is to me, a
point of great delicacy indeed ;... insomuch that I
can scarcely, without some impropriety, touch
upon it. In the first place, the event to which
you allude may never happen, among other reasons
because, if the partiality of my fellow citizens
conceive it to be a mean by which the sinews of
the new government would be strengthened, it
will of consequence be obnoxious to those who
are in opposition to it, many of whom, unques-
tionably, will be placed among the electors.

GEORGE WASHINGTON1.

" This consideration alone would supersede CHAP.H.
the expediency of announcing any definitive and 1789.
irrevocable resolution. You are among the small
number of those who know my invincible attach-
ment to domestic life, and that my sincerest wish
is to continue in the enjoy rnent of it solely, until
my final hour. But the world would be neither
so well instructed, nor so candidly disposed, as to
believe me to be uninfluenced by sinister motives
in case any circumstance should render a deviation
from the line of conduct I had prescribed for
myself indispensable. Should the contingency
you suggest take place, and (for argument sake
alone let me say) should my unfeigned reluctance
to accept the office be overcome by a deference
for the reasons and opinion f my friends; might
I not, after the declarations I have made, (and
heaven knows they were made in the sincerity
of my heart,) in the judgment of the impartial
world, and of posterity, be chargeable with levity
and inconsistency, if not with rashness and ambi-
tion ? nay farther, would there not even be some
apparent foundation for the two former charges ?
now, justice to myself, and tranquillity of con-
science require that I should act a part, if not
above imputation, at least capable of vindication.
Nor will you conceive me to be too solicitous for
reputation. Though I prize as I ought the good
opinion of my fellow citizens, yet if I know
myself, I would not seek or retain popularity at
the expense of one social duty, or moral virtue.
While doing what my conscience informed me
was right, as it respected my God, my country,

T 2

140 THE LTFE OF

CHAP. ii. and myself, I could despise all the party clamour
1789. and unjust censure which must be expected from
some, whose personal enmity might be occasioned
by their hostility to the government. I am con-
scious, that I fear alone to give any real occasion
for obloquy, and that I do not dread to meet with
unmerited reproach. And certain I am, when-
soever I shall be convinced the good of my
country requires my reputation to be put in
risque, regard for my own fame will not come
in competition with an object of so much magni-
tude.

<klf I declined the task, it would be upon quite
another principle. Notwithstanding my advanced
season of life, my increasing fondness for agri-
cultural amusements^ and my growing love of
retirement, augment and confirm my decided pre-
deliction for the character of a private citizen,
yet it will be no one of these motives, nor the
hazard to which my former reputation might be
exposed, or the terror of encountering new
fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from
an acceptance ;... but a belief that some other
person, who had less pretence and less inclination
to be excused, could execute all the duties full
as satisfactorily as myself. To say more would
be indiscreet ; as a disclosure of a refusal before
hand might incur the application of the fable, in
which the fox is represented as undervaluing the
grapes he could not reach. You will perceive,
my dear sir, by what is here observed (and which
you will be pleased to consider in the light of a
confidential communication) that my inclinations
will dispose and decide me to remain as I am ;

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

unless a clear and insurmoumable conviction CHA-MI.
should be impressed on my mind, that some very 1789<
disagreeable consequences must in all human
probability result from the indulgence of my
wishes."

About the same time, colonel Hamilton con-
cluded a letter on miscellaneous subjects with the
following observations. " I take it for granted,
sir, you have concluded to comply with what
will, no doubt, be the general call of your country
in relation to the new government. You \\ill
permit me to say that it is indispensable you
should lend yourself to its first operations. It is
to little purpose to have introduced a system, if
the weightiest influence is not given to its firm
establishment in the outset."

"On the delicate subject," said general Wash-
ington in reply, " with which you conclude your
letter, I can say nothing ; because the event
alluded to may never happen ; and because in
case it should occur, it would be a point of
prudence to defer forming one's ultimate and
, irrevocable decision, so long as new data might
be afforded for one to act with the greater wisdom
and propriety. I would not wish to conceal my
prevailing sentiment from you. For you know me
well enough my good sir, to be persuaded that I
am not guilty of affectation, when I tell you it is
my great and sole desire to live and die in peace
and retirement on my own farm. Were it even
indispensable a different line of conduct should
be adopted, while you and some others who are
acquainted with my heart would acquit, the world

142 'rHE LIFE OF

CHAP. ii. and posterity might probably accuse me of incon-
1789. slstency and ambition. Still I hope, I shall always
possess firmness and virtue enough to maintain
(what I consider the most enviable of all titles)
the character of an honest man "

This answer drew from colonel Hamilton the
following reply. " I should be deeply pained my
dear sir if your scruples in regard to a certain
station should be matured into a resolution to
decline it ; though I am neither surprised at their
existence, nor can I but agree in opinion that the
caution you observe in deferring the ultimate
determination is prudent. I have however re-
flected maturely on the subject, and have come
to a conclusion (in which I feel no hesitation)
that every public and personal consideration will
demand from you an acquiescence in what will
certainly be the unanimous wish of your country.

" The absolute retreat which you meditated at
the close of the late war was natural and proper.
Had the government produced by the revolution
gone on in a tolerable train, it would have been
most advisable to have persisted in that retreat.
But I am clearly of opinion that the crisis which
brought you again into public view left you no
alternative but to comply :...and I am equally
clear in the opinion that you are by that act
pledged to take a part in the execution of the
government. I am not less convinced that the
impression of the necessity of your filling the
station in question is so universal, that you run
no risk of any uncandid imputation by submitting
to it. But even if this were not the case, a regard

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 143

to your own reputation, as well as to the public CHAP.IL
good, calls upon you in the strongest manner to 1739.
run that risk.

" It cannot be considered as a compliment to
say, that on your acceptance of the office of presi-
dent, the success of the new government in its
commencement may materially depend. Your
agency and influence will be not less important
in preserving it from the future attacks of its
enemies, than they have been in recommending it
in the first instance to the adoption of the people.
Independent of all considerations drawn from this
source, the point of light in which you stand at
home and abroad, will make an infinite difference
in the respectability with which the government
will begin its operations, in the alternative of your
being or not being at the head of it. I forbear to
mention considerations which might have a more
personal application. What I have said will suf-
fice for the inferences I mein to draw.

" First. In a matter so essential to the well being
of society as the prosperity of a newly instituted
government, a citizen of so much consequence as
yourself to its success, has no option but to lend
his services if called for.. ..Permit me to say it
would be inglorious, in such a situation, not to
hazard the glory however great, which he might
have previously acquired.

" Secondly. Your signature to the proposed
system, jjjedges your judgment for its being such
an one as upon the whole was worthy of the
public approbation. If it should miscarry, (as
men commonly decide from success or the want

144 THE LIFE OF k

CHAP. n. of it) the blame will in till probability be laid on

1789. ^e system itself. And the framers of it will have
to encounter the disrepute of having brought
about a revolution in government, without sub-
stituting any thing that was worthy of the effort...
they pulled down one utopid, it will be said, to build
up another.' This view of the subject, if I mistake
not, my dear sir, will suggest to your mind greater
hazard to that fame, which must be, and ought to
be dear to you, in refusing- your future aid to
the system, than in affording it. I will only add,
that in my estimate of the matter, that aid is in-
dispensable.

" I have taken the liberty to express these
sentiments and to lay before you my view of the
subject. I doubt not the considerations men-
tioned have fully occurred to you, and I trust
they will finally produce in your mind the same
result which exists in mine. I flatter myself the
frankness with which I have delivered myself,
will not be displeasing to you. It has been
prompted by motives which you would not dis-
approve.'*

In answer to this letter general Washington
opened himself without reserve. " In acknow-
ledging," said he, ' the receipt of your candid
and kind letter by the last post, little more is
incumbent on me than to thank you sincerely for
the frankness with which you communicated your
sentiments, and to assure you that the same
manly tone of intercourse will always be more
than barely welcome ;,.. indeed it will be highly
acceptable to me.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. J45

"I am particularly glad, in the present instance, CHAP. n.
that you have dealt thus freely and like a friend. 1789.
Although I could not help observing from several
publications and letters that my name had been
sometimes spoken of, and that it was possible
the contingency which is the subject of your letter
might happen, yet I thought it best to maintain a
guarded silence, and to lack the counsel of my best
friends (which I certainly hold in the highest
estimation) rather than to hazard an imputation
unfriendly to the delicacy of my feelings. For,
situated as I am, I could hardly bring the question
into the slightest discussion, or ask an opinion
even in the most confidential manner, without
betraying in my judgment, some impropriety of
conduct, or without feeling an apprehension that
a premature display of anxiety, might be con-
strued into a vain glorious desire of pushing
myself into notice as a candidate. Now if I am
not grossly deceived in myself, I should un-
feignedly rejoice, in case the electors, by giving
their votes in favour of some other person, would
save me from the dreadful dilemma of being
forced to accept or refuse. If that may next be,
I am in the next place, earnestly desirous of
searching out the truth, and of knowing whether
there does not exist a probability that the govern-
ment would be just as happily and effectually
carried into execution without my aid, as with it.
I am truly solicitous to obtain all the previous
information which the circumstances will afford,
and to determine (when the determination can
>pth propriety be no longer postponed) according

VOL. v. u

146 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. to the principles of right reason, and the dictates
1789. of a clear conscience ; without too great a reference
to the unforeseen consequences which may affect
my person or reputation. Until that period, I
may fairly hold myself open to conviction, though
I allow your sentiments to have weight in them ;
and I shall not pass by your arguments without
giving them as dispassionate a consideration as I
can possibly bestow upon them.

" In taking a survey of the subject, in what-
ever point of light I have been able to place it,
I will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear
sir, that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon
my mind, as often as I have been taught to expect,
I might, and perhaps must ere long be called to
make a decision. You will, I am well assured,
believe the assertion (though I have little expec-
tation it would gain credit from those who are less
acquainted with me) that if I should receive the
appointment, and should be prevailed upon to
accept it ; the acceptance would be attended with
more diffidence and reluctance, than ever I expe-
rienced before in my life. It would be, however,
with a fixed and sole determination of lending
whatever assistance might be in my power to
promote the public weal, in hopes that at a con-
venient and an early period, my services might
be dispensed with; and that I might be permitted
once more to retire... to pass an unclouded evening
after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of
domestic tranquillity."

This correspondence was thus closed by colonel
Hamilton. "I feel a conviction that you will

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 147

finally see your acceptance to be indispensable. CHAP. n.
It is no compliment to say that no other man can i789
sufficiently unite the public opinion, or can give
the requisite weight to the office, in the commence-
ment of the government. These considerations
appear to me of themselves decisive. I am not
sure that your refusal would not throw every
thing into confusion. I am sure that it would
have the worst effect imaginable.

" Indeed, as I hinted in a former letter, I think
circumstances leave no option."

Although this correspondence does not appear
to have absolutely decided general Washington
on the part he should embrace, it could not have
been without its influence on his judgment, nor
have failed to dispose him to yield to the wish of
his country. " I would willingly" said he to his
estimable friend general Lincoln, who had also
pressed the subject on him, " pass over in silence
that part of your letter, in which you mention the
persons who are candidates for the two first offices
in the executive, if I did not fear the omission
might seem to betray a want of confidence.
Motives of delicacy have prevented me hitherto
from conversing or writing on this subject, when-
ever I could avoid it with decency. I may,
however, with great sincerity, and I believe
without offending against modesty or propriety,
sjy to you, that I most heartily wish the choice to
which you allude might not fall upon me : and
that if it should, I must reserve to myself the
right of making up my final decision, at the last
moment, when it can be brought into one view,

u 2

148 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, n. and when the expediency or inexpediency of a
1789. refusal can be more judiciously determined than
at present. But be assured, my dear sir, if from
any inducement I shall be persuaded ultimately
to accept, it will not be (so far as I know my own
heart) from any of a private or personal nature.
Every personal consideration conspires, to rivit
me (if I may use the expression) to retirement.
At my time of life, and under my circumstances,
nothing in this world can ever draw me from it,
unless it be a conviction that the partiality of my
countrymen had made my services absolutely
necessary, joined to a fear that my refusal might
induce a belief that I preferred the conservation of
my own reputation and private ease, to the good
of my country. After all, if I should conceive
myself in a manner constrained to accept, I call
heaven to witness, that this very act would be the
greatest sacrifice of my personal feelings and
wishes, that ever I have been called upon to
make. It would be to forego repose and domestic
enjoyment for trouble, perhaps for public obloquy :
for I should consider myself as entering upon an
unexplored field, enveloped on every side with
clouds and darkness.

" From this embarrassing situation I had natu-
rally supposed that my declarations at the close
of the war would have saved me ; and that my
sincere intentions, then publicly made known^
would have effectually precluded me forever
afterwards from being looked upon as a candidate
for any office. This hope, as a last anchor of

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

worldly happiness in old age, I had still carefully CHAP. n.
preserved ; until the public papers and private
letters from my correspondents in almost every
quarter, taught me to apprehend that I might
soon, be obliged to answer the question, whether
I would go again into public life or not?"

" I can say little or nothing new," said he in a
letter to the marquis de la Fayette, "in con-
sequence of the repetition of your opinion on the
expediency there will be, for my accepting the
office to which you refer. Your sentiments indeed
coincide much more nearly with those of my
other friends, than with my own feelings. In
truth my difficulties increase and magnify as I
draw towards the period, when, according to the
common belief, it will be necessary for me to
give a definitive answer in one way or other.
Should circumstances render it, in a manner,
inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be
assured, my dear sir, I shall assume the task with
the most unfeigned reluctance, and with a real
diffidence, for which I shall probably receive no
credit from the world. If I know my own heart,
nothing short of a conviction of duty will induce
me again to take an active part in public affairs.
And in that case, if I can form a plan for my own
conduct, my endeavours shall be unremittingly
exerted (even at the hazard of former fame or
present popularity) to extricate my country from
the embarrassments in which it is entangled
through want of credit ; and to establish a general
system of policy, which if pursued, will ensure

150 TIIE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. permanent felicity to the commonwealth. I thin'i-
1789. I see a path, as clear and as direct as a ray oi
light, which leads to the attainment of that object.
Nothing but harmony, honesty, industry, and
frugality, are necessary to make us a great and
happy people. Happily, the present posture of
affairs, and the prevailing disposition of my coun-
trymen, promise to co-operate in establishing
those four great and essential pillars of public
felicity."

Hristmani, After the elections had taken place, a general

mously D

pmifent. persuasion prevailed that the public will respecting
the chief magistrate of the union had been too
unequivocally manifested not to be certainly
obeyed; and several applications were made to
general Washington for those offices in the res-
pective states which would be in the gift of the
president of the United States.

As marking the frame of mind with which he
came into the government, the following extract
is given from one of the many letters written to
persons whose pretensions he was disposed to
favour. " Should it become absolutely necessary
for me to occupy the station in which your letter
presupposes me, I have determined to go into it,
perfectly free from all engagements of every nature
whatsoever.... A conduct in conformity to this re-
solution, would enable me in balancing the various
pretensions of different candidates for appoint-
ments, to act with a sole reference to justice and
the public good. This is, in substance, the
answer that J have given to all applications (and

GEORGE AVASHINGTON. 15 J

they are not few) which have already been made, CHAP. if.
Among the places sought after in these applica- 1739""
tions, I must not conceal that the office to which
you particularly allude is comprehended. This
fact I tell you merely as matter of information.
My general manner of thinking, as to the propriety
of holding myself totally disengaged, will apolo-
gize for my not enlarging farther on the subject.

" Though I am sensible that the public suf-
frage which places a man in office, should prevent
him from being swayed, in the execution of it,
by his private inclinations, yet he may assuredly,
without violating his duty, be indulged in the con-
tinuance of his former attachments."

The impotence of the late srovernment, added Meeting of

the firs?

to the dilatoriness inseparable from its perplexed consms-
mode of proceeding on the public business, and
to its continued session, had produced among the
members of congress such an habitual disregard
of punctuality in their attendance on that body,
that although the new government was to com-
mence its operations on the fourth of March 1789,
a house of representatives were not formed until
the first, nor a senate until the 6th day of April.
At length, the votes for the president and vice
president of the United States were as prescribed
in the constitution, opened and counted in the
senate. Neither the animosity of parties, nor the
preponderance of the enemies of the new govern,
ment in some of the states, could deprive general
Washington of a. single vote. By the unanimous
and uninfluenced voice of an immense continent,

152 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. n. -he was called to the chief magistracy of the nation.
1789. The second number of votes was given to Mr. John
Adams. George Washington and John Adams
were therefore declared to he duly elected president
and vice president of the United States, to serve
for four years from the fourth of Marchl789.*

* The reluctance with which general Washington assumed
his new dignity, and that genuine modesty which was a dis-
tinguished feature of his character, are further illustrated by
the following extract from a letter to general Knox. " I
feel for those members of the new congress who, hitherto,
have given an unavailing attendance at the theatre of action.
For myself, the delay may be compared to a reprieve ; for
in confidence I tell t/ow, (with the world it would obtain little
credit} that my movements to the chair of government will
be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit who
is going to the place of his execution ; so unwilling am I
in the evening of life, nearly consumed in public cares, to
quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that
competency of political skill, abilities, and inclination, which
are necessary to manage the helm. I am sensible that I am
embarking the voice of the people, and a good name of my
own on this voyage ; but what returns will be made for them
Heaven alone can foretell.. ..Integrity and firmness are all I
can promise ; these, be the voyage long or short, shall never
forsake me, although I may be deserted by all men ; for of
the consolations which are to be derived from these, under
any circumstances, the world cannot deprive me."

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 153

CHAPTER III.

The election of Gen. Washington officially announced to
him. ..His departure for the seat of government.. .Marks
of respect and affection shown him on his journey. ..His in-
auguration and speech to congress...He forms a system of
conduct to be observed in his intercourse with the world...
Letters from him on this and other subjects. ..Answer of
both houses of congress to the speech. ..Situation of the
United States at this period in their domestic and foreign
relations. ..Debates on the impost and tonnage bills. ..On the
president's power of removal from office. ..On the policy of
the secretary of the treasury reporting plans for the man-
agement of the revenue. ..On the style by which the presi-
dent should be addressed... Amendments to the constitu-
tion proposed by congress and ratified by the states...
Appointment of the officers of the cabinet, council, and of
the judges. ..Adjournment of the first session of congress
...The president visits the New England states. ..His recep-
tion...North Carolina accedes to the Union.

AT Mount Vernon, on the 14th of April, 1 789 ""* «*««'"»

of general

the appointment of general Washington as first SSSy*0
magistrate of the United States was officially an- C°.unced to
nounced to him. This commission was executed
by Mr. Charles Thompson, secretary of the late
congress, who presented to him the certificate
signed by the president of the senate, stating that
he was unanimously elected.

Accustomed to respect the wishes of his fellow
citizens, general Washington did not think him-
self at liberty to decline an appointment conferred
upon him by the suffrage of an entire people. His
acceptance of it, and his expressions of gratitude
for this fresh proof of the esteem and confidence

VOL. v. x

154 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. in. of his country, were connected with declarations
1789. of diffidence in himself. " I wish," he said, " that
there may not be reason for regretting the choice,
...for indeed, all I can promise, is to accomplish
that which can be done by an honest zeal."
lredfoprathe Knowing well that the urgency of the public
weroment. business required the immediate attendance of the
president at the seat of government, he hastened
his departure ; and on the second day after receiv-
ing notice of his appointment, he took leave of
Mount Vernon.

In a contemporaneous entry made by himself in
his diary, the feelings inspired by an occasion so
affecting to his mind are thus described, " about
ten o'clock, I bade adieu to Mount Vernon,
to private life, and to domestic felicity ; and with
a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful
sensations than I have words to express, set out
for New York in company with Mr. Thompson,
and colonel Humphries, with the best dispositions
to render service to my country in obedience to
its call, but with less hope of answering its expec-
tations."

By a number of gentlemen residing in Alexan-
dria, he was received on the road, and escorted
to their city, where a public dinner had been pre-
pared to which he was invited. The sentiments
of veneration and affection which were felt by all
classes of his fellow citizens for their patriot
chief, were manifested by the most flattering marks
of heart felt respect ; and by addresses which
evinced the unlimited confidence reposed in his
virtues and his talents. Although a place cannot

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 155

be given to these addresses generally, yet that CHAP. m.
from the citizens of Alexandria derives such pre- 1739.
tensions to particular notice from the recollection
that it is to be considered as an effusion from the
hearts of his neighbours and private friends, that
its insertion may be pardoned. It is in the follow-
ing words.

" Again your country commands your care.
Obedient to its wishes, unmindful of your ease,
we see you again relinquishing the bliss of retire-
ment ; and this too at a period of life, when
nature itself seems to authorize a preference of
repose !

" Not to extol your glory as a soldier; not to
pour forth our gratitude for past services ; not to
acknowledge the justice of the unexampled honour
which has been conferred upon you by the spon-
taneous and unanimous suffrages of three millions
of freemen, in your election to the supreme mag-
istracy ; nor to admire the patriotism which directs
your conduct, do your neighbours and friends
now address you. Themes less splendid but
more endearing, impress our minds. The first
and best of citizens must leave us : our aged must
lose their ornament ; our youth their model ; our
agriculture its improver ; our commerce its friend;
our infant academy its protector ; our poor their
benefactor ; and the interior navigation of the
Potomack (an event replete with the most extensive
utility, already, by your unremitted exertions,
brought into partial use,) its institutor and pro-
moter.

x 2

156 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. m. " Farewell !... go ! and make a grateful people
1789. nappy > a people, who will be doubly grateful when
they contemplate this recent sacrifice for their in-
terest.

'* To that Being who maketh and unmaketh at
his will, we commend you ; and after the accom-
plishment of the arduous business to which you
are called, may he restore to us again, the best of
men, and the most beloved fellow citizen !"

To this affectionate address general Washington
returned the following answer.

" Gentlemen,

" Although I ought not to conceal, yet I cannot
describe the painful emotions which I felt in being
called upon to determine whether I would accept
or refuse the presidency of the United States. The
unanimity in the choice, the opinion of my friends
communicated from different parts of Europe as
well as from America, the apparent wish of those
who were not entirely satisfied with the constitu-
tion in its present form ; and an ardent desire on
my own part to be instrumental in connecting the
good will of my countrymen towards each other ;
have induced an acceptance. Those who know
me best (and you my fellow citizens are, from your
situation, in that number) know better than any
others, my love of retirement is so great, that no
earthly consideration, short of a conviction of
duty, could have prevailed upon me to depart
from my resolution 'never more to take any share
in transactions of a public nature.' For, at my age,
^nd in my circumstances, what prospects or ad-
vantages could 1 propose to myself, from embark-

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ing again on the tempestuous and uncertain ocean CHAP. m.
of public life ? ~\789.

" I do not feel myself under the necessity of
making public declarations, in order to convince
you, gentlemen, of my attachment to yourselves,
and regard for your interests. The whole tenor
of my life has been open to your inspection ; and
my past actions, rather than my present decla-
rations, must be the pledge of my future con.
duct.

" In the mean time, I thank you most sincerely
for the expressions of kindness contained in your
valedictory address. It is true, just after having
bade adieu to my domestic connexions, this ten-
der proof of your friendships is but too well
calculated still further to awaken my sensibility,
and increase my regret at parting from the enjoy-
ments of private life.

" All that now remains for me is to commit myself
and you to the protection of that beneficent Being
who, on a former occasion, hath happily brought
us together, after a long and distressing separation.
Perhaps, the same gracious Providence will again
indulge me. Unutterable sensations must then
be left to more expressive silence ; while from an
aching heart, I bid you all, my affectionate friends,
and kind neighbours, farewell!"

In the afternoon of the same day, he left Alex-
andria, and was attended by his neighbours to
George Town, out of the limits of Virginia, where
a number of citizens from the state of Maryland
had assembled to receive him.

Although general Washington hastened his
journey, and wished to render it private, his

158 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, m. wish could not prevail. The public feelings were
1789. too strong to be suppressed. Crowds flocked
around him wherever he stopped ; and corps of
militia, and companies of the most respectable
citizens escorted him through their respective
states. At Philadelphia, he was received with
peculiar splendor. Gray's bridge over the Schuyl-
kill was highly decorated. In imitation of the
triumphal exhibitions of ancient Rome, an arch
composed of laurel, in which was displayed the
simple elegance of true taste, was erected at each
end of it, and on each side was a laurel shrubbery.
As the object of universal admiration passed under
the arch, a civic crown was, unperceived by him,
let down upon his head by a youth ornamented
with sprigs of laurel, who was assisted by ma-
chinery. The fields and avenues leading from
the Schuylkill to Philadelphia were crowded with
people, through whom general Washington was
conducted into the city by a numerous and res-
pectable body of citizens ; and at night the town
was illuminated. The next day, at Trenton, he
was welcomed in a manner as new as it was pleas-
ing. In addition to the usual demonstrations of
respect and attachment which were given by the
discharge of cannon, by military corps, and by
private persons of distinction, the gentler sex
prepared in their own taste, a tribute of applause
indicative of the grateful recollection in which
they held their deliverance twelve years before
from an insulting enemy. On the bridge over the
creek which passes through the town, was erected
a triumphal arch highly ornamented with laurels

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

and flowers : and supported by thirteen pillars, CHAP m.
each intwined with wreaths of evergreen. On the
front of the arch was inscribed in large gilt letters

THE DEFENDER OF THE MOTHERS

WILL BE THE
PROTECTOR OF THE DAUGHTERS.

On the centre of the arch above the inscription
was a dome or cupola of flowers and evergreens
encircling the dates of two memorable events
which were peculiarly interesting to New Jersey.
The first was the battle of Trenton, and the second
the bold and judicious stand made by the Ameri-
can troops at the same creek, by which the pro-
gress of the British army was arrested on the
evening preceding the battle of Princeton.

At this place, he was met by a party of matrons
leading their daughters dressed in white, who
carried baskets of flowers in their hands, and sang,
with exquisite sweetness, an ode* of two stanzas
composed for the occasion.

* The following is the ode.

Welcome mighty Chief, once more
Welcomie to this grateful shore ;
Now no mercenary foe
Aims again the fatal blow,
Aims at THEE, the fatal blow.

Virgins fair and matrons grave,
Those thy conquering arms did save.
Build for THEK triumphal bowers ;
Strew ye fair his \vay with flowers.
Strew your Hero's way with flowers.

At the last Unc the flowers were strewed before him.

THE LIFE OF

CHAP. nr. At Brunswick, he was joined by the governor
1789. °f New Jersey, who accompanied him to Eliza-
beth town Point. On the road, the committee of
congress received and conducted him with much
military parade to the Point, where he took leave
of the governor and other gentlemen of Jersey :
and with a committee of congress, Mr. Thompson,
and colonel Humphries, embarked for New York
in an elegant barge of thirteen oars, manned by
thirteen branch pilots prepared for the purpose by
the citizens of New York.

" The display of boats," says the general in
his private journal, "which attended and joined
on this occasion, some with vocal, and others
with instrumental music onboard, the decorations
of the ships, the roar of cannon, and the loud
acclamations of the people, which rent the sky
as I passed along the wharves, filled my mind
with sensations as painful (contemplating the
reverse of this scene, which may be the case
after all my labours to do good) as they were
pleasing."

In this manner, on the 23rd of April, the man
possessed of a nation's love, landed at the stairs on
Murray's wharf, which had been prepared and or-
namented for the purpose. There he was received
by the governor of New York, and conducted with
military honours, through an immense concourse
of people, to the apartments provided for him.
These were attended by foreign ministers, by
public bodies, by political characters, and by
private citizens of distinction, who pressed around
him to offer their congratulations, and to express

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

the joy which glowed in their bosoms at seeing CHAP. m.
the man in whom all confided, at the head of the
American empire. This day of extravagant joy
was succeeded by a splendid illumination.

It is no equivocal mark of the worth of Wash-
ington, and of the soundness of his judgment,
that it could neither be corrupted nor misguided
by those flattering testimonials of excessive attach-
ment. If they had any influence upon his manners,
they only softened the natural dignity of his
deportment ; and if they affected his mind, they
only rendered him the more determined, by a
faithful and steady attention to the real interests
and honour of the nation, to prove himself worthy
of the high station he was called to fill.

Two days before the arrival of the president,
the vice president took his seat in the senate, and
addressed that body in a dignified speech adapted
to the occasion, in which, after manifesting the
high opinion that statesman always entertained of
his countrymen, he thus expressed his sentiments
of the executive magistrate.

" It is with satisfaction that I congratulate the
people of America on the formation of a national
constitution, and the fair prospect of a consistent
administration of a government of laws : on the
acquisition of a house of representatives, chosen
by themselves ; of a senate thus composed by
their own state legislatures; and on the prospect
of an executive authority, in the hands of one
whose portrait I shall not presume to draw....
Were I blessed with powers to do justice to his
character, it would be impossible to increase the

VOL. v. Y

- THE LIFE o?
CHAP. in. confidence or affection of his country, or make
^1789. the smallest addition to his glory. This can only
be effected by a discharge of the present exalted
trust on the same principles, with the same
abilities and virtues, which have uniformly ap-
peared in all his former conduct, public or private.
May I nevertheless be indulged to inquire, if we
look over the catalogue of the first magistrates of
nations, whether they have been denominated
presidents or consuls, kings or princes, where
shall we find one, whose commanding talents and
virtues, whose over-ruling good fortune, have so
completely united all hearts and voices in his
favour ? who enjoyed the esteem and admiration
of foreign nations, and fellow citizens, with equal
unanimity ? qualities so uncommon, are no com-
mon blessings to the country that possesses them.
By these great qualities, and their benign effects,
has Providence marked out the head of this nation,
with a hand so distinctly visible, as to have been
seen by all men, and mistaken by none "

Heformsa . '

system of A president of the United States bema: m

conduct to be

hotter-"1 America a new political character, to a great
Swortd?1 portion of whose time the public was entitled, it
became proper to digest a system of conduct to be
observed in his intercourse with the world, which
would keep in view the duties of his station,
without entirely disregarding his personal accom-
modation, or the course of public opinion. In
the interval between his arrival in New York, and
entering on the duties of his office, those most
capable of advising on the subject were consulted,
and some rules were framed by general Wash-

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ington for his government in these respects. As CHAP. m.
one of them, the allotment of a particular hour 1789.
for receiving visits not on business, became the
subject of much animadversion ; and, being con-
sidered merely as an imitation of the levee days
established by crowned heads, has constituted not
the least important of the charges which have
been made against this gentleman. The motives
assigned by himself for the rule may not be
unworthy of attention.

Not long after the government came into
operation, doctor Stuart, a gentleman nearly con-
nected with the president in friendship and by
marriage, addressed to him a letter stating the
accusations which were commonly circulating in
Virginia on various subjects, and especially against
the regal manners of those who administered the
affairs of the nation. In answer to this letter the Letters frq

him on this

president observed, " while the eyes of America, ^-°l^r
perhaps of the world, are turned to this govern-
ment, and many are watching the movements of
all those who are concerned in its administration,
I should like to be informed, through so good a
medium, of the public opinion of both men and
measures, and of none more than myself ;... not
so much of what may be thought commendable
parts, if any, of my conduct, as of those which
are conceived to be of a different complexion.
The man who means to commit no wrong will
never be guilty of enormities, consequently can
never be unwilling to learn what are ascribed to
him as foibles.... If they are really such, the
knowledge of them in a well disposed mind will

Y2

164 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. m. go half way towards a reform.... If they are not
1789. errors, he can explain and justify the motives of
his actions.

"At a distance from the theatre of action,
truth is not always related without embellish-
ment, and sometimes is entirely perverted from
a misconception of the causes which produced
the effects that are the subject of censure.

" This leads me to think that a system which I
found it indispensably necessary to adopt upon
my first coming to this city, might have under-
gone severe strictures, and have had motives very
foreign from those that governed me, assigned as
cause's thereof....! mean first, returning no visits :
second, appointing certain days to receive them
generally (not to the exclusion however of visits
on any other days under particular circumstances;)
and third, at first entertaining no company, and
afterwards (until I was unable to entertain any at
all) confining it to official characters. A few
days evinced the necessity of the two first in so
clear a point, of view, that had I not adopted it,
I should have been unable to have attended to
any sort of business, unless I had applied the
hours allotted to rest and refreshment to this
purpose ;...for, by the time I had done breakfast,
and thence until dinner... and afterwards until bed.
time, I could not get relieved from the ceremony
of one visit before I had to attend to another.
In a word, I had no leisure to read or to answer
the dispatches that were pouring in upon me from
all quarters."

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 165

In a subsequent letter written to the same CHAP.IH.
gentleman, after his levees had been openly cen- 1789.
sured by the enemies of his administration, he
thus expressed himself.

" Before the custom was established, which
now accommodates foreign characters, strangers,
and others who from motives of curiosity, respect
to the chief magistrate, or any other cause, are
induced to call upon me, I was unable to attend
to any business whatsoever. For gentlemen, con-
sulting their own convenience rather than mine,
were calling from the time I rose from breakfast
...often before... until I sat down to dinner. This,
as I resolved not to neglect my public duties,
reduced me to the choice of one of these alterna-
tives ; either to refuse them altogether ', or to
appropriate a time for the reception of them.
The first would, I well knew, be disgusting to
many;. ..the latter I expected, would undergo
animadversion from those who would find fault
with or without cause. To please every body
was impossible. I therefore adopted that line of
conduct which combined public advantage with
private convenience, and which in my judgment
was unexceptionable in itself.

" These visits are optional. They are made
without invitation. Between the hours of three
and four every tuesday, I am prepared to receive
them. Gentlemen, often in great numbers, come
and go ;...chat with each other ;... and act as they
please. A porter shews them into the room; and
they retire from it when they choose, and without
ceremony. At their first entrance, they salute

166 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, in. me> ancj j them, ancj as many as I can talk to, I
1789. do. What pomp there is in all this I am unable
to discover. Perhaps it consists in not sitting.
To this two reasons are opposed : first, it is
unusual ; secondly, (which is a more substantial
one) because I have no room large enough to
contain a third of the chairs which would be suffi-
cient to admit it. If it is supposed that ostenta-
tion, or the fashions of courts (which by the by I
believe originate oftener in convenience, not to
say necessity, than is generally imagined) gave
rise to this custom, 1 will boldly affirm that no
supposition was ever more erroneous ; for were I
to indulge my inclinations, every moment that I
could withdraw from the fatigues of my station
should be spent in retirement. That they are not,
proceeds from the sense I entertain of the pro-
priety of giving to every one as free access as
consists with that respect which is due to the
chair of government;... and that respect, Icon-
ceive, is neither to be acquired or preserved, but
by maintaining a just medium between much state,
and too great familiarity.

" Similar to the above, but of a more familiar
and sociable kind, are the visits every friday
afternoon to Mrs. Washington, where I always
am. These public meetings, and a dinner once
a week to as many as my table will hold, with
the references to and from the different depart-
ments of state, and other communications with
all parts of the union, is as much if not more
than I am able to undergo; for I have already
had within less than a year, two severe attacks;...

GEORGE WASHINGTON. ±Qf

the last worse than the first,. ..a third, it is more CHAP. m.
thun probable will put me to sleep with my 1739^
fathers.... at what distance this may be, I know
not."

The ceremonies of the inauguration having His inaugu.
been adjusted by congress ; on the 30th of April, I£e°chwd
the president attended in the senate chamber, in
order to take, in the presence of both houses, the
oath prescribed by the constitution.

To gratify the public curiosity, an open gallery
adjoining the senate chamber had been selected
by congress, as the place in which the oath should
be administered. Having taken it in the view of
an immense concourse of people, whose loud and
repeated acclamations attested the joy with which
his being proclaimed president of the United
States inspired them, he returned to the senate
chamber where he delivered the following address.

" Fellow citizens of the Senate
and of the

House of Representatives :

" Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no
event could have filled me with greater anxieties
than that of which the notification was transmitted
by your order, and received on the 14th day
of the present month. On the one hand, I was
summoned by my country, whose voice I can
never hear but with veneration and love, from a
retreat which I had chosen with the fondest pre-
deliction, and, in my flattering hopes, with an
immutable decision, as the asylum of my declin-
ing years : a retreat which was rendered every
day more necessary as well as more dear to me,
by the addition of habit to inclination, and of

168 THE LIFE °z

CHAP, in. frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual
1789. waste committed on it by time. On the other
hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to
which the voice of my country called me, being
sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most ex-
perienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny
into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm
with despondence, one, who, inheriting inferior
endowments from nature, and unpractised in the
duties of civil administration, ought to be pecu-
liarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this
conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, that it has
been my faithful study to collect my duty from a
just appreciation of every circumstance by which
it might be effected. All I dare hope is, that, if
in accepting this task, I have been too much
swayed by a grateful remembrance of former
instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this
transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow
citizens : and have thence too little consulted my
incapacity, as well as disinclination for the weighty
and untried cares before me ; my ERROR will
be palliated by the motives which misled me,
and its consequences be judged by my country,
with some share of the partiality in which they
originated.

"Such being the impressions under which I
have, in obedience to the public summons, re-
paired to the present station ; it will be peculiarly
improper to omit in this first official act, my
fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who
rules over the universe ;... who presides in the
councils of nations,... and whose providential aids

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

can supply every human defect, that his beneclic- CHAP. m

tion may consecrate to the liberties and happiness 1789t
of the people of the United States, a government
instituted by themselves for these essential pur-
poses: and may enable every instrument employed
in its administration, to execute with success, the
functions allotted to his charge. In tendering
this homage to the great Author of every public
and private good, I assure myself that it expresses
your sentiments not less than my own ; nor those
of my fellow- citizens at large, less than either.
No people can be bound to acknowledge and
adore the invisible hand which conducts the
affairs of men, more than the people of the United
States. Every step by which they have advanced
to the character of an independent nation seems
to have been distinguished by some token of pro-
vidential agency; and in the important revolution
just accomplished in the system of their united
government, the tranquil deliberations and volun-
tary consent of so many distinct communities,
from which the event has resulted, cannot be
compared with the means by which most govern-
ments have been established, without some return
of pious gratitude along with an humble anticipa-
tion of the future blessings which the past seem
to presage. These reflections, arising out of the
present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly
on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with
me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under
the influence of which the proceedings of a new
and free government can more auspiciously com-
mence.

VOL. v. z

THE LIFE OF

" By the article establishing the executive
1789. department, it is made the duty of the president
* to recommend to your consideration, such mea-
sures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.'
The circumstances under which I now meet you
will acquit me from entering into that subject,
farther than to refer to the great constitutional
charter under which you are assembled, and
which in defining your powers, designates the
objects to which your attention is to be given.
It will be more consistent with those circum-
stances, and far more congenial with the feelings
which actuate me, to substitute in place of a
recommendation of particular measures, the tri-
bute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and
the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected
to devise and adopt them. In these honourable
qualifications, I behold the surest pledges that, as
on one side, no local prejudices or attachments,
no separate views nor party animosities, will mis-
direct the comprehensive and equal eye which
ought to watch over this great assemblage of
communities, and interests : so, on another, that
the foundations of our national policy will be laid
in the pure and immutable principles of private
morality; and the pre-eminence of free government
be exemplified by all the attributes which can win
the affections of its citizens, and command the
respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect
with every satisfaction which an ardent love for
my country can inspire, since there is no truth
more thoroughly established than that there exists,
in the economy and course of nature, an indis-

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

soluble union between virtue and happiness, ...be- CHAP.HI
tween duty and ad vantage,... between the genuine 1739.
maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy,
and the solid rewards of public prosperity and
felicity :... since we ought to be no less persuaded
that the propitious smiles of heaven can never be
expected on a nation that disregards the eternal
rules of order and right which heaven itself has
ordained: and since the preservation of the sacred
fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican
model of government, are justly considered as
DEEPLY, perhaps as FINALLY staked, on the
experiment intrusted to the hands of the American
people.

" Besides the ordinary objects submitted to
your care, it will remain with your judgment to
decide, how far an exercise of the occasional
power delegated by the fifth article of the consti-
tution is rendered expedient, at the present junc-
ture, by the nature of objections which have been
urged against the system, or by the degree of
inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead
of undertaking particular recommendations on this
subject, in which I could be guided by no lights
derived from official opportunities, I shall again
give way to my entire confidence in your discern-
ment and pursuit of the public good : for I assure
myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alter-
ation which might endanger the benefits of a
united and effective government, or which ought
to await the future lessons of experience ; a
reverence for the characteristic rights of iretmen,
and a regard for the public harmony, will suffi-

z 2

172 THE L1FE OF

CHAP. in. ciently influence your deliberations on the ques-
1789. tion how far the former can be more impregnably
fortified, or the latter be safely and advantageously
promoted.

44 To the preceding observations I have one to
add, which will be most properly addressed to the
house of representatives.- It concerns myself, and
will therefore be as brief as possible. When I
\vas first honoured with a call into the service of
my country, then on the eye of an arduous
struggle for its liberties, the light in which I con-
templated my duty required that I should re-
nounce every pecuniary compensation. From this
resolution I have in no instance departed. And
being still under the impressions which produced
it, I must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any
share in the personal emoluments which may be
indispensably included in a permanent provision
for the executive department ; and must accord-
ingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the
station in which I am placed, may, during my
continuance in it, be limited to such actual ex-
penditures as the public good may be thought to
require.

44 Having thus imparted to you my sentiments,
as they have been awakened by the occasion
which brings us together, I shall take my present
leave; but not without resorting once more to the
benign Parent of the human race, in humble sup-
plication, that since he has been pleased to favour
the American people with opportunities for delibe-
rating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for
deciding with unparallelled unanimity on a form

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

of government, for the security of their union, CHAP.UI.
and the advancement of their happiness ; so his 1739.
divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the
enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and
the wise measures on which the success of this
government must depend."

In their answer to this speech, the senate say ;
" The unanimous suffrage of the elective body in

0 f J Answer of

your favour, is peculiarly expressive of the grati- bo^ho**;
tude, confidence, and affection of the citizens ofthespeech-
America, and is the highest testimonial at once
of your merit, and their esteem. We are sensible
sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellow
citizens could have called you from a retreat,
chosen with the fondest predeliction, endeared by
habit, and consecrated to the repose of declining
years. We rejoice, and with us all America, that,
in obedience to the call of our common country,
you have returned once more to public life. In
you all parties confide ; in you all interests unite;
and we have no doubt that your past services,
great as they have been, will be equalled by your
future exertions ; and that your prudence and
sagacity as a statesman will tend to avert the
dangers to which we were exposed, to give
stability to the present government, and dignity
and splendor to that country, which your skill
and valour as a soldier, so eminently contributed
to raise to independence and to empire."

The affection for the person and character of
the president with which the answer of the house
of representatives glowed, promised that between
this branch of the legislature also and the execu-

174 ^HE LIFE OF

CHAP. in. tive, the most harmonious co-operation in the
1789. public service might be expected.

" The representatives of the people of the
United States" says this address, " present their
congratulations on the event by which your fellow
citizens have attested the pre-eminence of your
merit. You have long held the first place in their
esteem. You have often received tokens of their
affection. You now possess the only proof that
remained of their gratitude for your services, of
their reverence for your wisdom, and of their
confidence in your virtues. You enjoy the highest,
because the truest honour, of being the first
magistrate, by the unanimous choice of the freest
people on th,e face of the earth.

" We well know the anxieties with which you
must have obeyed the summons from the repose
reserved for your declining years, into public
scenes of which you had taken your leave forever.
But obedience was due to the occasion. It is
already applauded by the universal joy which
welcomes you to your station. And we cannot
doubt that it will be rewarded with all the satis-
faction with which an ardent love for your fellow
citizens must review successful efforts to promote
their happiness.

" This anticipation is not justified merely by
the past experience of your signal services. It is
particularly suggested by the pious impressions
under which you commence your administration ;
and the enlightened maxims by which you mean
to conduct it. We feel with you the strongest
obligations to adore the invisible hand which has

GEORGE WASHINGTON. j^5

led the American people through so many diffi- CHAP. m.
culties ; to cherish a conscious responsibility for 1789>
the destiny of republican liberty ; and to seek the
only sure means of preserving and recommending
the precious deposit in a system of legislation
founded on the principles of an honest policy, and
directed by the spirit of a diffusive patriotism.

" In forming the pecuniary provisions for the
executive department, we shall not lose sight of
a wish resulting from motives which give it a
peculiar claim to our regard. Your resolution,
in a moment critical to the liberties of your coun-
try, to renounce all personal emolument, was
among the many presages of your patriotic ser-
vices, which have been amply fulfilled ; and your
scrupulous aflherance now to the law then imposed
on yourself, cannot fail to demonstrate the purity,
whilst it increases the lustre of a character which
has so many titles to admiration.

" Such arc the sentiments with which we have
thought fit to address you. They flow from our
own hearts, and we verily btlieve that among the
millions we represent, there is not a virtuous
citizen whose heart will disown them.

" All that remains is, that we join in your fer-
vent supplications for the blessing of Heaven on
our country ; and that we add our own for the
choicest of these blessings on the most beloved of
her citizens."

A perfect knowledge of the antecedent state
of things being essential to a due administration
of the executive department, its attainment con-
stituted one of the first duties attached to the office

176 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. HI. of president. As the institutions of the old gov-
1789. ernment continued until congress could make the
necessary arrangements, the temporary heads of
departments were required to prepare and lay
before the first magistrate, such statements and
documents as would give this information.

situation of That the treasury was empty, and that the

the United . *

states at this pUbiic creditors had claims upon the honour, the

period in

tkandomes~ faith, and the justice of the nation, a provision
tk>nsflr a" for which had already been too long delayed,
were facts of universal notoriety which the partic-
ular details drawn from official sources could not
render more certain. It was not to be doubted
that a circumstance which had contributed so
essentially to the late revolution would command
the serious attention of the legislature, who alone
could provide effectually for the subject.

But in the full view which it was useful to take
of the interior, many objects were to be contem-
plated, the documents respecting which were not
to be found in official records. The progress
which had been made in assuaging the bitter
animosities engendered in the sharp contest res-
pecting the adoption of the constitution, and the
means which might be used for conciliating the
affections of all good men to the new government,
without enfeebling its essential principles, were
subjects of the most interesting inquiry.

The agitation had been too great to be suddenly
calmed ; and that the active opponents of the
system should immediately become its friends, or
even indifferent to its fate, would have been a
victory of reason over passion, or a surrender of

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

individual judgment to the decision of a majority,
examples of which are rarely given in the conduct
of human affairs.

In some of the states, a disposition to acquiesce
in the decision which had been made after a full
and elaborate discussion of the subject, and to
await the issue of a fair experiment of the consti-
tution as administered by those who should be
elected for that purpose, was avowed by the
minority. In others, the chagrin of defeat seemed
to increase the original hostility to the instrument;
and serious fears were entertained by its friends,
that a second general convention might pluck
from it the most essential of its powers, or cramp
it in the exercise of them, before their value, and
the safety with which they might be confided
where they were placed, could be ascertained by
c-xperience.

From the same cause exerting itself in a dif-
ferent direction, the advocates of the new system
had been still more alarmed. As might well have
been expected, in all those states where the oppo-
sition was sufficiently formidable to inspire a hope
of success, the effort \vas made to fill the legisla-
ture with the declared enemies of the government,
and thus to commit it, in its infancy, to the
custody of its foes. Their fears were quieted for
the present. In both branches of the legislature,
the federalists, an appellation at that time distin-
guishing those who had advocated the constitu-
tion, formed the majority ; and it soon appeared
that a new convention was too bold an experiment
t6 be applied for by the requisite number ef
VOL. v. A a

THE LIFE OF

CHAP, in. states. The condition of individuals too, was
1789. visibly becoming more generally eligible. Not-
withstanding the causes which had diminished
the profits of private industry, it was gradually
improving their affairs ; and the new course of
thinking which had been inspired by the adoption
of a constitution that was understood to prohibit
all laws impairing the obligation of contracts, had
in a great measure restored that confidence which
is essential to the internal prosperity of nations.
From these, or from other causes, the crisis of
the pressure on individuals seemed to be passing
away, and brighter prospects to be opening on
them.

But, two states still remained out of the pale of
the union ; and among those who were included
within it, there existed a mass of ill humour,
which increased the necessity of circumspection
MI those who administered the government.

To the western parts of the continent, the
attention of the executive was attracted by discon-
tents which were displayed with some violence,
and which originated in circumstances, and in
interests, peculiar to that country.

In possession of the mouth of the Mississippi,
Spain had refused to permit the citizens of the
United States to follow its waters into the ocean;
and had occasionally tolerated or interdicted their
commerce to New Orleans, as had been suggested
by the supposed interest or caprice of the Spanish
government, or of its representatives in America.
Down that river, the eyes of the inhabitants
adjacent to the waters which emptied into it were

GEORGE WASHINGTON.'

turned, as the only channel through which the CHAP. m.
surplus produce of their luxuriant soil could be 1739.
conveyed to the markets of the world ; and on its
free navigation depended, as they conceived, the
future wealth and prosperity of their country.
Irritated by understanding that it had been con-
templated by the old congress to barter away this
right for twenty. five years, they gave some evi-
dence of a disposition to drop from the confederacy,
if this valuable acquisition could not otherwise be
made. This temper could not fail to be viewed
with interest by the neighbouring poxvers, who
had been encouraged by it, and by the imbecility
of the government, to enter into intrigues of an
alarming nature.

Previous to his departure from Mount Vernon,
the president had received intelligence, too authen-
tic to be disregarded, of private machinations by
real or pretended agents both of Spain and Great
Britain, which were extremely hostile to the
peace, and to the integrity of the union.

On the part of Spain, it had been indicated that
the navigation of the Mississippi could never be
conceded while the inhabitants of the western
country remained connected wirh the Atlantic
states, but might be freely granted to them if
they should form an independent empire.

On the other hand, a gentlemen from Canada,
whose ostensible business was to repossess him-
self of some lands on the Ohio which had been
formerly granted to him, frequently discussed the
vital importance of the navigation of the Missis-
sippi, and privately assured several influential

A a 2

180 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, it/, individuals, that if they were disposed to assert
1789. their rights, he was authorized by lord Dorchester
the governor of Canada to say, that they might
rely confidently on his assistance. With the aid
it was in his power to give, they might seize
New Orleans, fortify the Balise at the mouth of
the Mississippi, and maintain themselves in that
place against the utmost efforts of Spain.

The probability of failing in any attempt to
hold the mouth of the Mississippi by force, and
the resentments against Great Britain which pre-
vailed generally throughout the western country,
diminished the danger to be apprehended from
any machinations of that power; but against those
of Spain, tjie same security did not exist.

In contemplating the situation of the United
States in their relations not purely domestic,
the object of most immediate consideration was
the enmity which had been manifested towards
them by several tribes of Indians. The military
Strength of the northern nations, who inhabited
the country between the lakes, the Mississippi,
and the Ohio, was computed at five thousand men,
of whom about fifteen hundred were at open war
with the United States. With the residue, treaties
had been concluded; but the attachment of young
savages to war, and the provocation given by the
undistinguishing vengeance which had been taken
by the whites in their expeditions into the Indian
country, on all those who fell in their way, fur-
nished reasons for apprehending that these treaties
would soon be broken.

GEORGE WASHINGTON".

In the south, the Creeks, \vho could bring into CHAP.IH.
the field six thousand fighting men, were at war 1789.
with Georgia. In the mind of their leader, the
son of a white man, some irritation had been pro*
duced by the confiscation of the lands of his
father, who had resided in Georgia ; and several
other refugees from that state, whose property
had also been confiscated, contributed still further
to exasperate the nation. But the immediate
point in contest between them was a tract of land
on the Oconee, which the state of Georgia claimed
under a purchase, the validity of which was
denied by the Indians. The regular effective force
of the United States was less than six hundred
men.

Not only the policy of accommodating differ-
ences by negotiation which the government was
in no condition to terminate by the sword ; but a
real respect for the rights of the natives, and a
regard for the claims of justice and humanity,
disposed the president to endeavour, in the first
instance, to remove every cause of quarrel by a
treaty; and his message to congress on this subject
evidenced his preference of pacific measures.

Possessing many valuable articles of commerce
for which the best market was often found on the
coast of the Mediterranean, struggling to export
them in their own bottoms, and unable to afford
a single gun for their protection, the Americans
could not view with unconcern the dispositions
which were manifested towards them by the
Barbary powers. A treaty had been formed with
the emperor of Morocco, and no indications were
given by that sovereign of an intention to violate

182 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. m. it. But from Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, peace
17-39. had not been purchased; and those regencies
consider all as enemies to whom they have not
sold their friendship. The unprotected vessels
of America presented a tempting object to their
rapacity; and their hostility was the more terrible,
because by their law of nations prisoners become
slaves.

With all the powers of Europe, America was
at peace ; but with some of them, there existed
controversies of a delicate nature, the adjustment
of which required a degree of moderation and
firmness, which there was much reason to fear
would nr»t, in every instance, be exhibited.

The early apprehensions with which Spain had
contemplated the probable future strength of the
United States, and the consequent disposition of
the house of Bourbon to restrict them to narrow
limits, have been already noticed. After the
conclusion of the war, the attempt to form a treaty
with that power had been repeated, but no advance
towards an agreement on the points of difference
between the two governments had been made. A
long and intricate negotiation between the secre-
tary of foreign affairs, and Don Guardoqui, the
minister of his catholic majesty, had terminated
with the old government ; and the result was an
inflexible adherence on the part of Mr. Guardoqui
to the exclusion of the citizens of the United
States from navigating the Mississippi below their
southern boundary. On this point there was much
reason to fear that the cabinet of Madrid would
remain immoveable. The violence with which

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

the discontents of the western people were ex- CHAP. in.
pressed, furnished Spain with additional motives 1739.
for perpetuating the evil of which they com-
plained. Aware of the embarrassments which
this display of restlessness must occasion, and
sensible of the increased difficulty and delay with
which a removal of its primary cause must be
attended, the executive perceived in this critical
state of things, abundant cause for the exercise
of its watchfulness, and of its prudence. With
Spain, there was also a contest respecting boun-
daries. The treaty of peace had extended the
limits of the United States to the thirty first
degree of north latitude, but the pretensions of
the catholic king were carried north of that line,
to an undefined extent. He claimed as far as he
had conquered from Britain, but the precise limits
of his conquest were not ascertained.

The circumstances attending the points of dif-
ference with Great Britain, were still more serious,
because in their progress, a temper unfavourable to
their accommodation had been uniformly excited.

With the war, the resentments produced by
the various calamities it had occasioned, were not
terminated. The idea that Great Britain was the
natural enemy of America had become habitual.
Believing it impossible for that nation to have
relinquished absolutely its views of conquest,
many found it difficult to bury their animosities,
and to act upon the sentiment contained in the
declaration Ci' independence, *' to hold them as
the rest of nankind, enemies in war, in peace
friends." In addition to the complaints respecting

184 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, in. the non execution of the treaty of peace, events
1789. were continually supplying this temper with fresh
aliment. The disinclination which the cabinet of
London had discovered to a commercial treaty
with the United States was not attributed exclu-
sively to the cause which had been assigned for
it. It was in part ascribed to that jealousy with
which Britain was supposed to view the growing
trade of America.

The general restrictions on commerce by which
every maritime power sought to promote its own
navigation, and that part of the European system
in particular, by which each aimed at a monopoly
of the trade of its colonies, were felt with peculiar
keenness when practised by England. To the
British regulations on this subject, the people of
America were perhaps the more sensible, because,
having composed a part of that empire, they had
grown up in the habit of a free admission into all
its ports ; and, without accurately appreciating
the cause to which a change of this usage was to
be ascribed, they were disposed to attribute it to
a jealousy of their prosperity, and to an inclination
to diminish the value of their independence. In
this suspicious temper, almost every unfavourable
event which occurred was traced up to British
hostility.

That an attempt to form a commercial treaty
with Portugal had failed, was attributed to the
influence of the cabinet of London ; and to the
machinations of the same power were also ascribed
the danger from the corsairs of Barbary, and the
bloody incursions of the Indians. The resentments

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 185

ex cited by these various causes was felt in a CHAP. m.
greater or less degree by a large proportion of the 1789
American people ; and the expression of it was
common and public. That correspondent dis-
positions existed in England is by no means
improbable, and the necessary effect of this temper
was to increase the difficulty of adjusting amicably
the real differences between the t\vo nations. The
American plenipotentiaries had laboured, without
success, to introduce into the definitive treaty of
peace some articles for regulating the future inter-
course between the two countries; and the temper
discovered on both sides while those negotiations
were pending, was such that, added to the dis-
position of other powers to obstruct a cordial
reconciliation, it suggested to one of the ministers
of the United States the idea, that a renewal of the
war, at no very distant period, was far from being
improbable.

With France, the most perfect harmony sub-
sisted ; and those attachments which originated in
the signal services received from his most Chris-
tian majesty during the war of the revolution,
had sustained no diminution. Yet, from causes
which it was found difficult to counteract, the
commercial intercourse between the two nations
was not so extensive as had been expected. It
was the interest, and of consequence the policy of
France, to avail herself of the misunderstandings
between the United States and Great Britain, in
order to obtain such regulations as might gra-
dually divert the increasing trade of the Ameri-
can continent from those channels in which it had
VOL. v. B b

186 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. m. been accustomed to flow. Neither her general
1789. restraints on commerce, nor her observance of
the colonial system, excited the indignation which
was occasioned by similar measures on the part of
that power with which the United States had
most intercourse ; and a disposition was exten-
sively felt to co-operate with her, in enabling her
merchants, by legislative encouragements, to rival
those of Britain in the American market.

A great revolution had commenced in that
country, the first stage of which was completed
by limiting the powers of the monarch, and by
the establishment of a popular assembly. In no
part of the globe was this revolution contemplated
with more interest than in America. The influence
it would have on the affairs of the world was not
then distinctly foreseen : and the philanthropist,
without becoming a political partisan, rejoiced in
the event. On this subject therefore, there existed
in the public mind but one sentiment.

The relations of the United States with the
other powers of Europe, did not require particular
attention. Their dispositions were rather friendly
than otherwise ; and an inclination was generally
manifested to participate in the advantages which
the erection df an independent empire on the
western shores of the Atlantic seemed to offer to
the commercial world.

By the diplomatic characters in America, it
would readily be supposed, that the first steps
taken by the new government would not only be in-
dicative of its present system ; but would probably
affect permanently its foreign relations, and that

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 187

the influence of the president, should he be inclined CHAP. m.
to exercise his constitutional right of recommen
dation, would be felt in the legislature. Scarcely
was the exercise of his executive functions com-
menced, when the president received an applica-
tion from the count de Moustiers, the minister
of France, requesting a private conference. On
being told that the department of foreign affairs
was the channel through which all official business
should pass, the count replied that the interview
he requested was not for the purpose of actual
business, but rather as preparatory to its future
transactions.

The next day, at one in the afternoon, was
named for the interview. The count commenced
the conversation with declarations of his personal
regard for America, the manifestations of which,
he said, had been early and uniform. His nation
too was well disposed to be upon terms of amity
with the United States : but at his public recep-
tion, there were occurrences which he thought
indicative of coolness in the secretary of foreign
affairs, who had, he feared, while in Europe,
imbibed prejudices not only against Spain, but
against France also. If this conjecture should be
right, the present head of that department could
not be an agreeable organ of intercourse with the
president. He then took a view of the modern
usages of European courts, which, he said,
favoured the practice he recommended of permit-
ting foreign ministers to make their communi-
cations directly to the chief of the executive.
" He then presented a letter," says the president
B b 2

188 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. m. in his private journal, " which he termed confiden-
1789. tial, and to be considered as addressed to me in my
private character, which was too strongly marked
with an intention, as well as a wish to have no
person between the minister and president in
the transaction of business between the two
nations."

In reply to these observations, the president
gave the most explicit assurances that, judging
from his own feelings, and from the public senti-
ment, there existed in America a reciprocal dis-
position to be on the best terms with France.
That whatever former difficulties might have
occurred, he was persuaded the secretary of for-
eign affairs had offered no intentional disrespect,
either to the minister, or to his nation. Without
undertaking to know the private opinions of Mr.
Jay, he would declare that he had never heard that
officer express, directly or indirectly, any senti-
ment unfavourable to either.

Reason and usage, he added, must direct the
mode of treating national and official business. If
rules had been established, they must be con-
formed to. If they were yet to be framed, it was
hoped that they would be convenient and proper.
So far as ease could be made to comport with reg-
ularity, and with necessary forms, it ought to be
consulted ; but custom, and the dignity of office,
were not to be disregarded. The conversation
continued upwards of an hour, but no change was
made in the resolution of the president.

When the first legislature assembled under the
new government, the subjects which pressed for

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 189

immediate attention were numerous and important. CHAP. m.
Much was to be created, and something to be i789.
reformed. A system of revenue, adequate to the
urgent demands of the union was to be digested,
and brought into operation ; departments attached
to the executive were to be organized ; a judi-
ciary to be established ; and many other matters
of deep interest to be originated, or adapted to the
new state of things.

As constituting the vital spring without which
the action of government could not long be con-
tinued, the subject of revenue was taken up in
the house of representatives, as soon as it could
be introduced. The qualification of the members
was succeeded by a motion for the house to re-
solve itself into a committee of the whole on the
state of the union ; and in that committee, a
resolution was moved declaring the opinion that
certain duties ought to be levied on goods, wares,
and merchandise, imported into the United States;
and on the tonnage of vessels. This resolution
was introduced by Mr. Madison from Virginia in
a short speech, in which he adverted to the nume-
rous claims upon the justice of the government ;
and to the impotency which prevented the late con-
gress of the United States from carrying into effect
the dictates of gratitude and policy.

As it was deemed important to complete a tem-
porary system in time to embrace the spring
importations, Mr. Madison presented the scheme
of impost which had been recommended by the
former congress, and had already received the ap-
probation of a majority of the states ; to which he

190 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, iii^ added a general proposition from himself for a
1789.^ duty on tonnage. By this scheme specific duties
were imposed on certain enumerated articles ; and
an advalorem duty on those not enumerated. Mr.
Fitzsimmons, a member from Pennsylvania,
moved an amendment to the original resolution,
greatly enlarging the catalogue of enumerated ar-
ticles. " Among those," he said, " which were
contained in the list he wished to subjoin to that
in possession of the committee, were some calcu-
lated to encourage the productions of our country,
and protect our infant manufactures, beside others
tending to operate as sumptuary restrictions upon
articles which are often termed those of luxury."
On the necessity of an immediate revenue, no
division of sentiment could exist ; and on the
general propriety of selecting specific articles as
objects of additional duty, an equal degree of
unanimity seemed to prevail. But some appre-
hensions were expressed that the time consumed
in maturing the system might be such as to render
it ineligible, in the first instance, to attempt more
than a bill which should impose an advalorem
duty ; and the fear was openly avowed, that in
the details of a more permanent and extensive plan,
the interests of a part of the union might be over-
looked.

Mr. Madison having consented to subjoin the
amendment proposed by Mr. Fitzsimmons to the
original resolution, it was received by the com-
mittee ; but in proceeding to fill up the blanks
with the sum taxable on each article, it was soon
perceived that gentlemen had viewed the subject

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 191

in very different lights. The tax on many articles CHAP.UI.
was believed to press more heavily on some, than \?sgt
on others ; it was supposed also to favour the
products of particular states ; and no inconsider-
able degree of watchfulness was discovered, lest
those which were more populous, and whose
manufactures were in greater progress, should
lay protecting duties whereby the industry of one
part of the union would be encouraged by pre-
miums charged on the labour of another part.
On the discrimination between the duty on the Debates oii
tonnage of foreign and American bottoms, a great and t
degree of sensibility was discovered. There not
being a sufficient number of vessels owned by the
citizens of the United States to export all the pro-
duce of the country, it was said that the increased
tonnage on foreign bottoms operated as a tax on.
agriculture, and a premium to navigation. This
discrimination it was therefore contended ought
to be very small.

In answer to these arguments, Mr. Madison
said; "if it is expedient for America to have
vessels employed in commerce at all, it will be
proper that she have enough to answer all the pur-
poses intended ; to form a school for seamen ; to
lay the foundation of a navy : and to be able to
support itself against the interference of foreigners.
I do not think there is much weight in the obser-
vations that the duty we are about to lay in favour
of American vessels is a burden on the commu-
nity, and particularly oppressive to some parts.
But if there were, it may be a burden of that kind

192 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. in. which will ultimately save us from one that is
1789. greater.

" I consider an acquisition of maritime strength
essential to this country ; should we ever be so
unfortunate as to be engaged in war, what but
this can defend our towns and cities upon the sea
coast ? or what but this can enable us to repel an
invading enemy ? those parts which are said to
bear an undue proportion of the burden of the ad-
ditional duty on foreign shipping, are those which
will be most exposed to the operations of a pre-
datory war, and will require the greatest exertions
of the union in their defence. If therefore some
little sacrifice be made by them to obtain this im-
portant object, they will be peculiarly rewarded
for it in the hour of danger. Granting a preference
to our own navigation will insensibly bring it for-
ward to that perfection so essential to American
safety ; and though it may produce some little
inequality at first, it will soon ascertain its level,
and become uniform throughout the union."

But no part of the system was discussed with
more animation than that which proposed to make
discriminations in favor of those nations with
whom the United States had formed commercial
treaties. In the course of this discussion, opin-
ions and feelings with respect to foreign powers
began to develop themselves, which, strength-
ening with circumstances, afterwards agitated the
whole \merican continent.

While the resolutions on which the bills were
to be framed were under debate, Mr. Benson
rose to inquire on what principle the proposed dis-

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

crimination between foreign nations was founded ?
" It was certainly proper, "he said, "to comply with 1789i
existing treaties. But those treaties stipulated
no such preference. Congress then was at liberty
to consult the interests of the United States. If
those interests would be promoted by the mea-
sure, he should be willing to adopt it, but he
wished its policy to be shown."

The resolutions as reported were supported by
Mr. Madison, Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Fitzsimmons,
Mr. Clymer, Mr. Page, and Mr. Jackson.

They relied much upon the public sentiment
which had, they said, been unequivocally ex-
pressed through the several state legislatures and
otherwise, against placing foreign nations gene-
rally, on a footing with the allies of the United
States. So strong was this sentiment, that to its
operation the existing constitution was principally
to be ascribed. They thought it important to
prove to those nations who had declined forming
commercial treaties with them, that the United
States possessed and would exercise the power of
retaliating any regulations unfavourable to their
trade, and they insisted strongly on the advantages
of America in a war of commercial regulation,
should this measure produce one.

The disposition France had lately shown to
relax with regard to the United States, the rigid
policy by which her counsels had generally been
guided, ought to be cultivated. The evidence of
this disposition was an edict by which Americaa
built ships purchased by French subjects became
naturalized. There was reason to believe that

VOL. v. c c

THE LIFE OF

CHAP. in. the person charged with the affairs of the United
1789. States at that court, had made some favourable
impressions which the conduct of the American
government ought not to efface.

With great earnestness it was urged, that from
artificial or adventitious causes, the commerce
between the United States and Great Britain had
exceeded its natural boundary. It was wise to
give such political advantages to other nations as
would enable them to acquire their due share of
the direct trade. It was also wise to impart some
benefits to nations that had formed commercial
treaties with the United States, and thereby to
impress on those powers which had hitherto
neglected to form such treaties, the idea that
some advantages were to be gained by a recipro-
city of friendship^

That France had claims on the gratitude of the
American people which ought not to be over-
looked, was an additional argument in favour of
the principle for which they contended.

The discrimination was opposed by Mr. Benson,
Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Wadsworth and Mr. Shermen.

They did not admit that the public sentiment
had been unequivocally expressed ; nor did they
admit that such benefits had flowed from com-
mercial treaties as to justify a sacrifice of interest
to obtain them. There was a commercial treaty
with France ; but neither that treaty, nor the
favours shown to that nation, had produced any
correspondent advantages. 'The license to sell
ships could not be of this description, since it
was well known that the merchants of the United

GEORGE WASHINGTON. jpj

States did not own vessels enough for the trans- CHAP. HI.
portation of the produce of the country, and only J789>
two, as was believed, had been sold since the
license had been granted. The trade with Great
Britain, viewed in all its parts, was upon a footing
as beneficial to the United States as that with
France.

That the latter power had claims upon the
gratitude of America was admitted, but that these
claims would justify premiums for the encourage-
ment of French commerce and navigation, to be
drawn from the pockets of the American people,
was not conceded. The state of the revenue, it
was said, would not admit of these experiments.

The observation founded on the extensiveness
of the trade between the United States and Great
Britain was answered by saying that this was not
a subject proper for legislative interposition. It
was one of which the merchants were the best
judges. They would consult their interest as
individuals; and this was a case in which the
interest of the nation and of individuals was the
same.

In explanation of this fact, Mr. Fitzsimmons
stated that the war of the revolution had deprived
the American merchants of their ships, and of
the means of acquiring others. On the return of
peace the British re-established their commercial
houses ; and it was by these men and by their
capital in many of the states, that vessels were
furnished for the transportation of their pro-
duce, and that the greater part of their trade was
carried on.

c c 2

jgg THE LIFE OF

CHAP. m. At length, the bills passed the house of repre-
1789. sentatives, and were carried to the senate, where
they were amended by expunging the discrimi-
nation made in favour of the tonnage and distilled
spirits of those nations which had formed com-
mercial treaties with the United States.

These amendments were disagreed to; and each
house insisting on its opinion, a conference took
place, after which the point was reluctantly yielded
by the house of representatives. The proceedings
of the senate being at that time conducted with
closed doors, the course of reasoning on which an
important principle was rejected, to which the
other branch of the legislature, and the community
at large appeared to be strongly attached, cannot
be stated. In that body, there were certainly
persons by whom the commercial interests of
America were well understood, and dispassion-
ately considered : but from some expressions
used in debate by a member of the house of
representatives who had advocated the discrimi-
nation w,ith great earnestness, it would seem that
the point had been yielded under the impression
that the subject would be resumed in a distinct
form, so as not to embarrass the passage of bills
on which the revenue depended.

This debate on the impost and tonnage bills
was succeeded by one on a subject which was
believed to involve principles of still greater
interest.

In organizing the departments of the executive,
the question in what manner the high officers who
filled them should be removeable, came on to be
discussed. Believing that the decision of this

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 197

question would materially influence the character CHAP. m.
of the new government, the members supported 1789.
their respective opinions with a degree of earnest-
ness proportioned to the importance they attri-
buted to the measure. In a committee of the
whole house on the bill " to establish an executive
department to be denominated the* department of

On the pre-

foreiern affairs," Mr. White moved to strike out ««*«*'*

O power of

the clause which declared the secretary to be;;
removeable by the president. The power of
removal, where no express provision existed,
was, he said, in the nature of things, incidental
to that of appointment. And as the senate was
by the constitution associated with the president
in making appointments, that body must in the
same degree, participate in the power of removing
from office.

Mr. White was supported by Mr. Smith of
South Carolina, Mr. Page, Mr. Stone, and Mr.
Jackson.

Those gentlemen contended that the clause
was either unnecessary or improper. If the
constitution gave the power to the president,
a repetition of the grant in an act of congress
was nugatory : if the constitution did not give
it, the attempt to confer it by law was improper.
If it belonged conjointly to the president and
senate, the house of representatives should not
attempt to abridge the constitutional prerogative
of the other branch of the legislature. However
this might be, they were clearly of opinion
that it was not placed in the president alone.
In the power over all the executive officers

* This has since been denominated the department of state.

198 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, in. which the bill proposed to confer upon the pro
1789. sident, the most alarming dangers to liberty were
perceived. It was in the nature of monarchical
prerogative, and would convert them into the
mere tools and creatures of his will. A depen-
dence so servile on one individual, would deter
men of high and honourable minds from en-
gaging in the public service ; and if contrary to
expectation such men should be brought into
office, they would be reduced to the necessity of
sacrificing every principle of independence to the
will of the chief magistrate, or of exposing them-
selves to the disgrace of being removed from
office, and that too at a time when it might be
no longer in their power to engage in other
pursuits.

Gentlemen they feared were too much dazzled
with the splendor of the virtues which adorned
the actual president, to be able to look into futu-
rity. But the framers of the constitution had not
confined their views to the person who would
most probably first fill the presidential chair.
The house of representatives ought to follow
their example, and to contemplate this power in
the hands of an ambitious man, who might apply
it to dangerous purposes; who might from caprice
remove the most worthy men from office.

By the friends of the original bill, the amend-
ment was opposed with arguments of great force
drawn from the constitution and from general
convenience. On several parts of the constitution,
and especially on that which vests the executive
power in the president, they relied confidently to

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 1Q9

support the position, that in conformity with that CHAP.IU.
instrument, the power in question could reside 1739.
only with the chief magistrate : no power, it was
said, would be more completely executive in its
nature than that of removal from office.

But if it was a case on which the constitution
was silent, the clearest principles of political ex-
pediency required that neither branch of the legis-
lature should participate in it.

The danger that a president could ever be
found who would remove good men from office,
was treated as imaginary. It was not by the
splendor attached to the character of the pre-
sent chief magistrate alone that this opinion was
to be defended. It was founded on the struc-
ture of the office. The man in whose favour
a majority of the people of this continent would
unite, had probability at least in favour of his
principles ; in addition to which, the public
odium that would inevitably attach to such con-
duct, would be an effectual security against it.

After an ardent discussion which consumed
several days, the committee divided ; and the
amendment was negatived by a majority of thirty
four to twenty. The opinion thus expressed by
the house of representatives did not explicitly
convey their sense of the constitution. Indeed
the express grant of the power to the president,
rather implied a right in the legislature to give
or withhold it at their discretion. To obviate any
misunderstanding of the principle on which the
question had been decided, Mr. Benson moved
in the house, when the report of the committee of

200 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. in. the whole was taken up, to amend the second
1789. clause in the bill so as clearly to imply the power
of removal to be solely in the president. He gave
notice that if he should succeed in this, he would
move to strike out the words which had been the
subject of debate. If those words continued, he
said the power of removal by the president might
hereafter appear to be exercised by virtue of a
legislative grant only, and consequently be sub-
jected to legislative instability ; when he was well
satisfied in his own mind, that it was by fair con-
struction, fixed in the constitution. The motion
was seconded by Mr. Madison, and both amend-
ments were adopted. As the bill passed into a
law, it has ever been considered as a full expres-
sion of the sense of the legislature on this impor-
tant part of the American constitution.
olicy The bill to establish the treasury department,
f contained a clause making it the duty of the
the secretary "to digest and report plans for the im-

management , _ . ,

of the provement and management ot the revenue, and
for the support of public credit."

Mr. Page moved to strike out these words,
observing, that to permit the secretary to go
further than to prepare estimates would be a dan-
gerous innovation on the constitutional privilege
of that house. It would create an undue influence
within those walls, because members might be
led by the deference commonly paid to men of
abilities, who gave an opinion in a case they have
thoroughly considered, to support the plan of the
minister even against their own judgment. Nor
would the mischief stop there. A precedent

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 201

would be established which might be extended CHAP.HI.
until ministers of the government should be 1739.
admitted on that floor, to explain and support the
plans they had digested and reported, thereby
laying a foundation for an aristocracy, or a detes-
table monarchy.

Mr. Tucker seconded the motion of Mr. Page,
and observed, that the authority contained in the
bill to prepare and report plans would create an
interference of the executive with the legislative
powers, and would abridge the particular privi-
lege of that house to originate all bills for raising
a revenue. How could the business originate in
that house, if it was reported to them by the
minister of finance ? All the information that could
be required might be called for without adopting
a clause that might undermine the authority of
the house, and the security of the people. The
constitution has pointed out the proper method of
communication between the executive and legis-
lative departments. It is made the duty of the
president to give from time to time information
to congress of the state of the union, and to
recommend to their consideration such measures
as he shall judge necessary and expedient. If
revenue plans are to be prepared and reported to
congress, he is the proper person to perform this
service. He is responsible to the people for what
he recommends, and will be more cautious than
any other person to whom a less degree of res-
ponsibility was attached.

He hoped the house was not already weary of
executing and sustaining the powers vested in

VOL. v. D d

202 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. in. them by the constitution ; and yet the adoption of
1789. this clause would argue that they thought them-
selves less adequate than an individual, to deter-
mine what burdens their constituents were able
to bear. This was not answering the high expec-
tations that had been formed of their exertions for
the general good, or of their vigilance in guarding
their own and the people's rights.

The arguments of Mr. Page and Mr. Tucker
were enforced and enlarged by Mr. Livermore
and Mr. Gerry. The latter gentleman said, "that
he had no objection to obtaining information, but
he could not help observing the great degree of
importance gentlemen were giving to this and the
other executive officers. If the doctrine of having
prime and great ministers of state was once well
established, he did not doubt but he should soon
see them distinguished by a green or red ribbon,
insignia of court favour and patronage."

It was contended that the plans of the secretary,
being digested, would be received entire. Mem-
bers would, be informed that each part was neces-
sary to the whole, and that nothing could be
touched without injuring the system. Establish
this doctrine, and congress would become a useless
burden.

The amendment was opposed by Mr. Benson,
Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Ames, Mr. Sedgewick, Mr.
Boudinot, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Madison, Mr.
Stone, Mr. Shermen, and Mr. Baldwin. It was
insisted that to prepare and report plans for the
improvement of the revenue, and support of pub-
lic credit, constituted the most important service

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 203

which could be rendered by the officer who should CHAP. m.
be placed at the head of the department of finance. 1739.
When the circumstances under which the mem-
bers of that house were assembled, and the various
objects for which they were convened, were con-
sidered, it was no imputation upon them to sup-
pose that they might receive useful information
from a person whose peculiar duty it was to direct
his attention to systems of finance, and who would
be in some measure selected on account of his
fitness for that object. It was denied that the
privileges of the house would be infringed by
the measure. The plans of the secretary could
not be termed bills, nor would they even be
reported in that form. They would only consti-
tute information which would be valuable, and
which could not be received in a more eligible
mode. "Certainly" said Mr. Goodhue, "we carry
our dignity to the extreme, when we refuse to
receive information from any but ourselves."

"If we consider the present situation of our
finances," said Mr. Ames, " owing to a variety of
causes, we shall no doubt perceive a great though
unavoidable confusion throughout the whole scene.
It presents to the imagination a deep, dark, and
dreary chaos, impossible to be reduced to order,
unless the mind of the architect be clear and
capacious, and his power commensurate to the
object. He must not be the flitting creature of
the day; he must have time given him competent
to the successful exercise of his authority. It is
with the intention of letting a little sunshine into
the business, that the present arrangement is pro-

D d 2

204 THE LIFE OJ<

CHAP. in. posed. I hope it may be successful, nor do I
1789. doubt the event. I am confident our funds are
equal to the demand, if they can be properly
brought into operation ; but an unskilful adminis-
tration of the finances would prove the greatest
calamity."

It was not admitted that the plans of the secre-
tary would possess an influence to which their
intrinsic value would not give them a just claim.
There would always be sufficient intelligence in
that house to detect, and independence to expose
any oppressive or injurious scheme which might
be prepared for them. Nor would a plan openly
and officially reported possess more influence on
the mind of any member, than if given privately
at the secretary's office.

Mr. Madison said, the words of the bill were
precisely those used by the former congress on
two occasions. The same power had been annexed
to the office of superintendant of the finances; and
he had never heard that any inconvenience had
been experienced from the regulation. Perhaps
if the power had been more fully and more fre-
quently exercised, it might have contributed more
to the public good. " There is," continued this
gentleman, " a small probability, though it is but
small, that an officer may derive weight from this
circumstance, and have some degree of influence
upon the deliberations of the legislature. But
compare the danger likely to result from this
cause, with the danger and inconvenience of not
having well formed and digested plans, and we
shall find infinitely more to apprehend from the
latter. Inconsistent, unproductive, and expensive

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 205

schemes, will produce greater injury to our con- CHAP. m.
stituents, than is to be apprehended from any i789.
undue influence which the well digested plans of
a well informed officer can have. From a bad
administration of the government, more detriment
will arise than from any other source. Want of
information has occasioned much inconvenience,
and many unnecessary burdens in some of the
state governments. Let it be our care to avoid
those rocks and shoals in our political voyage
which have injured, and nearly proved fatal to
many of our contemporary navigators."

Admitting that, on this ground, there was a
small probability of a small inconvenience, he
thought it no more an argument against the clause,
than the possibility that wind and rain might find
their way through the crevices, would be an
argument against windows to a house.

Mr. Fitzsimmons suggested that the different
opinions of gentlemen might be reconciled by
substituting the word, " prepare" for "report."
The secretary would then only report his plans if
requested by the house. This proposition was
declared to be totally unsatisfactory ; and the
debate was continued.

On taking the question, the majority was found
against the motion of Mr. Page ; after which the
amendment suggested by Mr. Fitzsimmons was
adopted.

Among the interesting points which were set- ^^'hlL
tied in the first congress, was the question bySJu*
what style the president and vice president should
be addressed. Mr. Benson from the committee
appointed to confer with a committee of the senate

206 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. in. on this subject reported, "that it is not proper to
1789. annex any style or title to the respective styles or
titles of office expressed in the constitution ;" and
this report was, without opposition agreed to in
the house of representatives. In the senate, the
report was disapproved, and a resolution passed
requesting the house of representatives to appoint
another committee, again to confer with one from
the senate, on the same subject. This message
being taken up in the house of representatives, a
resolution was moved by Mr. Parker, seconded
by Mr. Page, declaring that it would be improper
to accede to the request of the senate. Several
members were in favour of this motion ; but
others who were opposed to receding from the
ground already taken, seemed inclined to appoint
a committee as a measure properly respectful to
the other branch of the legislature.

After a warm debate, the resolution proposed
by Mr. Parker was set aside by the previous
question, and a committee of conference was
appointed. They could not agree upon a report,
in consequence of which the subject was permitted
to rest; and the senate,* conforming to the pre-

* On the \4>th of May the following entry was made on

their journals by the senate.

" The committee appointed on the 9th inst. to determine
under what title it will be proper for the senate to address
the president of the United States of America, reported that
in the opinion of the committee it will be proper thus to ad-
dress the president...." His highness the president of the
United Slates of America, and protector of their liberties"
which report was postponed, and the following resolve was
agreed to....

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 2"07

eedent already given by the house of represen- CH.VP.HI.
tatives, addressed the president in their answer 1739.
to his speech by the terms used in the consti-
tution.

While the representatives were preparing bills
for organizing the great executive departments,
the senate was occupied with digesting the system
of a national judiciary. This complex and exten-
sive subject was taken up in the commencement
of the session, and was completed towards its
close.

In the course of this session was also brought ^^^
forward a proposition, made by Mr. Madison, for ™e°dbyr°~
recommending to the consideration and adoption

thestates.

of the states, several new articles to be added to
the constitution.

Many of those objections to it which had been
urged with all the vehemence of conviction, and
which in the opinion of some of its advocates,
were entitled to serious consideration, were be-

" From a decent respect for the opinion and practice of
civilized nations whether under monarchical or republican
forms of government, whose custom is to annex titles of
respectability to the office of their chief magistrate, and
that on intercourse with foreign nations a due respect for the
majesty of the people of the United States may not be haz-
arded by an appearance of singularity, the senate have been
induced to be of opinion that it would be proper to annex a
respectable title to the office of president of the United States*
But the senate desirous of preserving harmony with the
house of representatives where the practice lately observed,
in presenting an address to the president was without the
addition of titles, think it proper for the present to act in con-
formity with the practice of that house."

208 ^H£ LIFE OF

CHAP. in. lieved by the most intelligent to exist only in
1789, imagination, and to derive their sole support from
an erroneous construction of the instrument.
Others were upon points on which the objectors
might be gratified without injury to the system.
To conciliate the affections of their brethren to
the government, was an object greatly desired by
its friends. Disposed to respect what they deemed
the errors of their opponents, where that respect
could be manifested without a sacrifice of essential
principles, they were anxious to annex to the con-
stitution those explanations and barriers against
the possible encroachments of rulers on the
liberties of the people which had been loudly
demanded, however unfounded, in their judg-
ments, might be the fears by which those demands
were suggested. These dispositions were perhaps,
in some measure, stimulated to exertion by mo-
tives of the soundest policy. The formidable
minorities in several of the conventions, which in
the legislatures of some powerful states had be-
come majorities, and the refusal of two states to
complete the union, were admonitions not to be
disregarded, of the necessity of removing jeal-
ousies however misplaced, which operated on so
large a portion of society. Among the most
zealous friends of the constitution therefore, were
found some of the first and warmest advocates for
amendments.

To meet the various ideas expressed by the
several conventions ; to select from the mass of
alterations which they had proposed those which
might be adopted without stripping the govern-

GEORGE WASHINGTON!
ment of its necessary powers ; to condense them CHAP.HI

into a form and compass which would be accept- 1789.
able to persons disposed to indulge the caprice,
and to adopt the language of their particular states;
were labouts not easily to be accomplished. But
the greatest difficulty to be surmounted was, the
disposition to make those alterations which wo'ikl
enfeeble and materially injure the future operations
of the government. At length, twelve articles in
addition to and amendment of the constitution,
were assented to by two thirds of both houses of
congress, and proposed to the legislatures of the
several states. Although the necessity of these
amendments had been urged by the enemies of
the constitution and denied by its friends, they
encountered scarcely any other opposition in the
state legislatures, than was given by the leaders
of the antifederal party. Admitting the articles to
be good in themselves, and to be required by the
occasion, it was contended that they were not suffi-
cient for the security of liberty ; and the apprehen-
sion was avowed that their adoption would quiet
the fears of the people, and check the pursuit of
those radical alterations which would afford a safe
and adequate protection to their rights. Viewing
many of those alterations which were required as
subversive of the fundamentals of the government,
and sincerely desirous of smoothing the way to
a reunion of political sentiment by yielding in part
to objections which had been pronounced im-
portant, the federalists, almost universally, exerted
their utmost powers in support of the particular
amendments which, had been recommended*
VOL. v E e

2 10 THE LIFE °?

CHAP. m. They were at length ratified by the legislatures of
1789. three fourths of the states, and probably contri-
buted in some degree, to diminish the jealousies
which had been imbibed against the federal con-
stitution.

The government being completely organized,,
and a system of revenue established, the important
duty of filling the offices which had been created,
remained to be performed. In the execution of
this delicate trust, the purest virtue and the most
impartial judgment were exercised in selecting
the best talents, and the greatest weight of char-
acter, which the United States could furnish*

Appointment Not fettered by previous engagements, nor influ-

oftKeofficers *. * \

of the enced by the ties of friendship or of blood, the

cabinet, * '

council aud president exerted all the means he possessed to

of the

search out, m order to nominate, those persons
who would discharge the duties of their respective
offices to the best interest and highest credit of
the American union. The unmingled patriotism
of his motives would receive its clearest demon-
stration from a view of all his private letters on this
subject : and the success of his endeavours is
completely attested by the abilities and reputation
which he drew into the public service.

At the head of the department of foreign affairs,
since denominated the department of state, he
placed Mr. Jefferson.

This gentleman had been bredl to the bar, and
at an earry period of life, had acquired consider-
able reputation for extensive attainments in the
science of politics. He had been a member of the
second congress, and had been named to a diplo-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 211

fnatic appointment which he had declined. With- CHAP. m.
•drawing from the administration of continental 1739.
affairs, he had been elected governor of Virginia,
which office he filled for two years. He afterwards
again represented his native state in the councils
of the union, and in the year 1784, was appointed
to succeed Dr. Franklin at the court of Versailles.
In that station, he had acquitted himself much to
the public satisfaction, and had added consider-
ably to the reputation he had previously acquired.
His notes on Virginia, which were read with
applause, were generally considered as an able
specimen of his talents for composition, and as
evincing the correctness of his political opinions.
He had long been contemplated by America
amongst the most eminent of her citizens, and had
long been classed by the president with those who
were most capable of serving the nation with effect.
Having lately obtained permission to return for a
short time to the United States, he was, while on
his passage, nominated to this important office,
and, on his arrival in Virginia, found a letter
from the president giving him the option of be-
coming the secretary of foreign affairs, or of re-
taining his station at the court of Versailles. He
appears rather to have inclined to continue in his
foreign appointment, and, in changing his situa-
tion, to have consulted the wishes of the first
magistrate more than the preference of his own
mind.

The task of recreating public credit, of drawing
order and arrangement from the chaotic confusion
in which the finances of America were involved,

£62

212 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. in. and of devising means which should render the
1789. revenue productive, and commensurate with the
demand, in a manner least burdensome to the
people, was justly classed among the most arduous
of the duties which devolved on the new govern-
ment. In discharging it, much aid was expected
from the head of the treasury. To colonel
Hamilton was assigned this important, and at that
time intricate department.

This gentleman was a native of the island of
St. Croix, and, at a very early period of life,
had been placed by his friends, in New York.
Possessing an ardent temper, he caught fire from
the concussions of the moment, and with all the
enthusiasm of youth, engaged first his pen, and
afterwards his sword, in the stern contest between
the American colonies and their parent state.
Among the first troops raised by New York was
a corps of artillery, in which he was appointed a
captain. Soon after the war was transferred to
the Hudson, his superior endowments recom-
mended him to the attention of the commander
in chief, into whose family, before completeing
. his twenty first year, he was invited to enter.
Equally brave and intelligent, he continued in
this situation to display a degree of firmness and
capacity which commanded the confidence and
esteem of his general, and of the principal officers
in the army.

After the capitulation at York Town, the war
languished throughout the American continent,
and the probability that its termination was ap-
proaching daily increased.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 213

The critical circumstances of the existing gov- CHAP. in.
ernment rendered the events of the civil, more 1739.
interesting than those of the military department,
and colonel Hamilton accepted a seat in the con-
gress of the United States. In all the important
acts of the day, he performed a conspicuous part,
and was greatly distinguished among those dis-
tinguished characters whom the crisis had attracted
to the councils of their country. He had after-
wards been active in promoting those measures
which led to the convention at Philadelphia, of
which he was a member, and had greatly contri-
buted to the adoption of the constitution by the
state of New York. In the distinguished part he
had performed both in the military and civil
transactions of his country, he had acquired a
great degree of well merited fame ; and the frank-
ness of his manners, the openness of his temper,
the warmth of his feelings, and the sincerity of
his heart, had secured him many valuable friends.

To talents of the highest grade, he united a
patient industry, not always the companion of
genius, which fitted him in a peculiar manner for
the difficulties to be encountered by the man who
should be placed at the head of the American
finances.

The department of war was already filled by
general Knox. Throughout the contest of the
revolution this officer had continued at the head
of the American artillery, and from being the
colonel of a regiment had been promoted to the
rank of a major general. In this important station,
he had preserved a high military character ; and,

214 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. in. on the resignation of general Lincoln, he had
1789. been appointed secretary of war. To his past
services, and to unquestionable integrity, he was
admitted to unite a sound understanding ; and the
public judgment as well as that of the chief
magistrate, pronounced him in all respects com-
petent to the station he filled. The president was
highly gratified in believing that his public duty
comported with his private inclinations, in nomi-
nating general Knox to the office which had been
conferred upon him under the former government.
The office of attorney general, was filled by
Mr. Edmund Randolph. To a distinguished
reputation in the line of his profession, this gen-
tleman had added a considerable degree of political
eminence. After having been for several years
the attorney general of Virginia, during great
part of which time he was decidedly at the head
of the bar in that state, he had been elected its
governor. While in this office, he was chosen a
member of the convention which framed the con-
stitution, and was also elected to that which was
called by the state for its adoption or rejection.
After having served at the head of the executive
the term permitted by the constitution of the
state, he entered into its legislature, where he
preserved a great share of influence.

Such was the first cabinet council of the presi-
dent. In its composition, public opinion as well
as intrinsic worth had been consulted, and a high
degree of character had been blended with real
talent.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 215

In the selection of persons for high judicial CHAP. in.
offices the president was guided by the same prin- 1789.
ciples. In a letter written on the occasion to
Mr. John Rutledge, his sentiments are thus ex-
pressed: " regarding the due administration ef
justice as the strongest cement of good govern-
ment, I have considered the first organization of
the judicial department as essential to the happi-
ness of the people, and to the stability of the
political system. Under this impression, it has
been with me an invariable object of anxious
solicitude to select the fittest characters to ex-
pound the laws and to dispense justice."

At the head of a department deemed by himself
so important, he placed Mr. John Jay.

From the commencement of the revolution to
the present moment, this gentleman had filled a
large space in the public mind. Remaining
without intermission in the service of his country,
he had passed through a succession of high offices,
and in all of them had merited the approbation of
his fellow citizens. To his pen, while in con-
gress, was America indebted for some of those
masterly addresses which reflected most honour
upon the government; and to his firmness and
penetration, was in no inconsiderable degree to
be ascribed the happy issue of those intricate
negotiations, which were conducted, towards tjie
close of the war, at Madrid, and at Paris. On
returning to the United States, he had been ap-
pointed secretary of foreign affairs, in which
station he had conducted himself with his accus-
tomed ability. A sound judgment improved by

216 THE LIKE OF

CHAP. m. extensive reading and great knowledge of public
1789. affairs, unyielding firmness, and inflexible integrity,
were qualities of which Mr. Jay had given fre-
quent and signal proofs. Although for some
years withdrawn from that profession to which he
was bred, the acquisitions of his early life had not
been lost ; and the subjects on which his mind
had been exercised, we*e not entirely foreign
from those which would, in the first instance,
employ the courts in which he was to preside.

John Rutledge of South Carolina, James Wilson
of Pennsylvania, William Gushing of Massachus-
setts, Robert Harrison of Maryland, and John,
Blair of Virginia, were nominated as associate
justices. Some of these gentlemen had filled the
highest law offices in their respective states ; and
all of them had received distinguished marks of
the public confidence. In the appointment of
district judges also, and of subordinate officers,
the president manifested the same wish to draw
into the public service, men. whose weight of
character would add respectability to the stations
they were invited to fill.

In the systems which had been adopted by
the several states, officers corresponding to those
created by the revenue laws of congress, had been
already established. Uninfluenced by considera-
tions of personal regard, the president could not
be induced to change men whom he found in
place, if worthy of being employed ; and where
the man who had filled such office in the former
state of things was unexceptionable in his conduct
and character, he was uniformly re- appointed. In

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 217

deciding between competitors for vacant offices, CHAP. m.
the law he prescribed for his government was to 1739.
regard the fitness of candidates for the duties they
would be required to discharge ; and where an
equality in this respect existed, former merits
and sufferings in the public service gave claims
to preference which could not be overlooked.

Actuated solely by a regard to the interests of
the nation in the distribution of the offices in his
gift, the president could not fail to receive the
approbation of candid minds, and to add strength
and solidity to the government he administered.
But the satisfaction given by his appointments,
though general, could not be universal. Among
the candidates for office were many whose merits
and pretensions in every respect were so nearly
equal, that the disappointed could perceive no
superiority of claim in their successful rival. Nor
could the wound inflicted by the preference which
had been given be healed by declarations pre-
viously made, that no private friendships, that
only considerations of a public nature would con-
duce to the choice.* Although for the moment,

* The answers given by the president to the numerous
applications he received all avow this sentiment. The follow-
ing extract is from a letter written to a gentleman whose
pretensions yielded but to few, and who had long been on
terms of strict friendship with the first magistrate. " To you
sir, and others who know me, I believe it is unnecessary for me
to say, that when I accepted the important trust committed
to my charge by my country, I gave up every idea of personal
gratification that I did not think was compatible with the
public good... .Under this impression I plainly foresaw that

VOL. V. F f

21% THE LIFE OF

CHAP. HI. the sensations created by disappointment were
restrained from manifesting themselves, it was
not to be expected that they could be absolutely
subdued, or that their influence, on some future
more favourable occasion, would not be felt.

In the legislative, as well as in the executive and
judicial departments, great respectability of char-
acter was also associated with an eminent degree of
talents. The constitutional prohibition to appoint
any member of the legislature to an office created

part of my duty which obliged me to nominate persons
to offices, would, in many instances, be the most irksome
and unpleasing ; for however strong my personal attachment
might be to any one... however desirous I might be of giving
him a proof of my friendship.. .and whatever might be his
expectations, grounded upon the amity which had subsisted
between us,...I was fully determined to keep myself free from
every engagement that could embarrass me in discharging
this part of my administration. I have therefore uniformly
declined giving any decisive answer to the numerous appli-
cations which have been made to me, being resolved that
whenever I shall be called upon to nominate persons for
those offices which may be created, I will do it with a sole
view to the public good, and will bring forward those who
upon every consideration, and from the best information I
can obtain, will in my judgment be most likely to answer
that great end.

" The delicacy with which your letter was written, and your
wishes insinuated, did not require me to be thus explicit on
this head with you, but the desire which I have that those
persons whose good opinion I value should know the princi-
ples on which I mean to act in this business has led me to
this full declaration ; and I trust, that the truly worthy and
respectable characters in this country will do justice to the
motives by which I am actuated in all my public transactions,"

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 219

during the time for which he had been elected, CHAP. m.
might be considered, in some degree, as an ex- 1739.
elusion of the most distinguished personages in
America from the first congress. This result had
not been produced. Actuated by an anxious
solicitude respecting the first measures of the gov-
ernment, its zealous friends had pressed into its
service : and in both branches of the legislature
were found men who possessed the fairest claims
to the public confidence.

From the duties attached to his office, the vice
president of the United States and president of
the senate, though not a member of the legislature,
was classed, in the public mind, with that depart-
ment not less than with the executive. Elected
by the whole people of America in common with
the president, he could not fail to be taken from
the most distinguished citizens, and to add to the
dignity of the body over which he presided.

Mr. John Adams was one of the earliest and
most ardent patriots of the revolution. Bred to
the bar, he had necessarily studied the constitution
of his country, and was among the most deter-
mined assertors of its rights. Active in guiding
that high spirit which animated all New England,
he became a member of the congress of 1774, and
was among the first who dared to avow sentiments
in favour of independence. In that body, he soon
attained considerable eminence, and at an early
stage of the war, was chosen one of the commis-
sioners to whom was confided the charge of advo-
cating the interests of America in Europe. In his
diplomatic character, he had contributed greatly

220 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. in. to those measures which drew Holland into the
170,9, war ; had negotiated the treaty between the United
States and the Dutch republic : and had at critical
points of time obtained loans of money which were
of great advantage to his country. In the nego-
tiations which terminated the war, he had also
rendered important services : and after the ratifi-
cation of the definitive articles of peace, he had
been deputed to Great Britain for the purpose
of effecting a commercial treaty with that nation.
The political situation of America having rendered
this object unattainable, he had solicited leave to
return, and had arrived in the United States soon
after the adoption of the constitution.

As a statesman, this gentleman had at all times
ranked high in the estimation of his countrymen.
He had improved a sound understanding by exten-
sive political and historical reading; and perhaps
no American had reflected more profoundly on
the subject of government. The exalted opinion
he entertained of his own country was flattering
to his fellow citizens; and the purity of his mind,
the unblemished integrity of a life spent in the
public service, had gained him their confidence.

A government, supported in all its departments
by so much character and talents, at the head of
which was placed a man whose capacity was un-
doubted, whose life had been one great and con-
tinued lesson of disinterested patriotism, and for
whom almost every bosom glowed with an attach-
ment bordering on enthusiasm, could not fail to
make a rapid progress in conciliating the affection
of the people. That all hostility to the constitu-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 221

tion should subside, that public measures should CHAP. ai.
receive universal approbation ; that no particular 1739.
disgusts and individual irritations should be ex-
cited ; were expectations which could not reason-
ably be indulged. Exaggerated accounts were
indeed occasionally circulated of the pomp and
splendor which were affected by certain high offi-
cers, of the monarchical tendencies of particular
institutions, and of the dispositions which prevailed
to increase the powers of the executive. That the
doors of the senate were closed, and that a dis-
position had been manifested by that body to dis-
tinguish the president of the United States by a
title,* gave considerable umbrage, and were re-
presented as evincing inclinations in that branch
of the legislature, unfriendly to republicanism.
The exorbitance of salaries was also a subject of
some declamation, and the equality of commercial
privileges with which foreign bottoms entered
American ports, was not free from objection. But

* The following extract from a letter written July 1789,
to Doctor Stuart who had communicated to him this among
other private insinuations, shews the ideas entertained by the
president on this subject. " It is to be lamented that a ques-
tion has been stirred which has given rise to so much animad-
version, and which I confess has given me much uneasiness,
lest it should be supposed by some unacquainted with facts
that the object in view was not displeasing to me. The truth
is the question was moved before I arrived, without any privity
or knowledge of it on my part, and urged after I was ap-
prised of it contrary to my opinion ;...for I foresaw and pre-
dicted the reception it has met with, and^he use that would
be made of it by the enemies of the government. Happily
thq matter is now done with. I hope never to be revived."

222 THE LIFE OF

CAP. in. the apprehensions of danger to liberty from the
1789. new system, which had been impressed on the
minds of well meaning men, were visibly wearing
off; the popularity of the administration was com-
municating itself to the government ; and the
materials with which the discontented few were
furnished, could not yet be efficaciously era-
ployed.

Towards the close of the session, a report on a
petition which had been presented at an early
period by the creditors of the public residing in
the state of Pennsylvania, was taken up in the
house of representatives. Many considerations
rendered a postponement of this interesting subject
necessary. But two resolutions were passed, the
one, " declaring that the house considered an
adequate provision for the support of the public
credit, as a matter of high importance to the na-
tional honour and prosperity ;" and the other
directing, "the secretary of the treasury to pre-
pare a plan for that purpose, and to report the
same to the house at its next meeting."
Adjournment On the 29th of September, congress adjourned

of the first i ' « 1-1 t-T

session of to the first mondav in the succeeding January.

congress. "

Throughout the whole of this laborious and im-
portant session, perfect harmony subsisted between
the executive and the legislature ; and no circum-
stance occurred which, in the slightest degree,
threatened to impair it. The modes of commu-
nication between the departments of government
were adjusted in a manner perfectly satisfactory ;
and arrangements were made on some of those
delicate points in which the senate participate of

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 223

executive power. After delivering his sentiments CHAP, in.
on this subject to a committee, the president very 1789.
justly observed that time and experience would
suggest such alterations in the mode of conducting
business in which the senate was associated with
the executive, as convenience and the public inte-
rests might require. The rules entered into were
adapted both to oral and written communications.
Some doubts appear to have existed on the
correct exposition of the constitution in its pro-
visions respecting treaties. The president has
power " by and with the advice and consent of the
senate to make treaties, provided two thirds of
the senators present concur." Whether this clause
admitted the agency of the senate previous to the
negotiation, so as to advise on the instructions to
be given to the ministers, or limited the exercise
of their power to the treaty after being formed,
6r gave the president the option to adopt the one
or the other mode of proceeding as his judgment
might direct, were questions on which different
opinions seem to have been entertained. An occa-
sion for acting under this article of the constitution
occured during this first session of congress.
Under the persuasion that both policy and justice
required that negotiations should precede hostil-
ities with the southern Indians, the president had
determined to appoint commissioners for the pur-
pose of examining the complaints reciprocally
made by them and the states in their neighbour-
hood, and of endeavouring to accommodate the
differences between them. The investigation of
this controversy having suggested several delicate

224 THE L1FE OF

CHAP. in. questions in which particular states were deeply
1789. interested, a communication was made to the sen-
ate, in which the subject was stated at large, and
the advice of that body requested on several points
which would arise in the progress of the busi-
ness.

Anxious to visit New England, to observe in
person the condition of the country and the dispo-
sitions of the people towards the government and
its measures, the president was disposed to avail
himself of the short respite from official cares
afforded by the recess of congress, to make a tour
through the eastern states. This intention was
much approved by those with whom he was ac-
customed to consult. It was foreseen by them,
that this flattering mark of regard from a man
who was not more exalted in office than in the
affections of his fellow citizens, would be pro-
ductive of the happiest effects. His resolution
being taken, and the executive business which
required his immediate personal attention being
dispatched,*- he commenced his tour on the 15th

* Just before his departure from New York the president
received from the count de Moustiers, the minister of France,
official notice that he was permitted by his court to return to
Europe. By the .orders of his sovereign he added, " that
his majesty was pleased at the alteration which had taken
place in the government, and congratulated America on the
choice they had made of a president." As from himself, he
observed that the government of this country had been
hitherto of so fluctuating a nature, that no dependence could
be placed on its proceedings ; in consequence of which foreign
nations had been cautious of entering into treaties, or engage-
ments of any kind with the United States : but that in the

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 225

of October in company with major Jackson, and CHAP. iu.
Mr. Lear, gentlemen of his family ; and passing 1739.
through Connecticut and Massachussetts, as far
as Portsmouth in New Hampshire, he returned
by a different route to New York, where he arrived
on the 13th of November.

With this visit, the president had much reason
to be perfectly satisfied. To contemplate the
theatre on which many interesting military scenes
had been exhibited, and to review the ground
on which his first campaign as commander in chief
of the American army had been made, were
sources of rational delight. To observe the pro-
gress of society, the improvements in agriculture,
commerce, and manufactures; and the temper,
circumstances, and dispositions of the people, was
an employment which could not fail to be grateful
to an intelligent mind, and which was in all res-
pects worthy of the chief magistrate of the nation.
The reappearance of their general in the high
station he now filled brought back to recollection
the perilous transactions of the war ; and the
reception universally given to him attested the
unabated love which was felt for his person and

present government there was a head to look up to, and
power being placed in the hands of its officers, stability in its
measures might be expected.

The dispositions of his Christian majesty to cultivate the
good will of the new government was also manifested by his
conduct in the choice of a minister to replace the count tie
Moustiers. Colonel Ternan was named as a person who
would be particularly acceptable to America, and his appoint-
ment was preceded by the compliment of ascertaining the
sense of the president respecting him.
V. G g

226 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. HI. character, and indicated unequivocally the
1789. ing popularity, at least in that part of the union,
of the government he administered. Constituted
authorities, corporate bodies, religious and
learned institutions, particular trades and occupa-
tions, the militia, and all classes of people, vied

H^recep- wjth each other by affectionate addresses, by illu-
minations, by military parade, by triumphal pro-
cessions, and by various preparations decorated
by genius and by taste, in testifying the sentiment
which glowed in their bosoms, and to which his
presence gave increased activity.

The addresses which were presented, evinced
a strong attachment to the government, and a
decided approbation of its measures. They con-
nected his past services with his present situation,
and manifested the general conviction that, in
returning to a public station, the private wishes
of his heart had yielded to a sense of duty to his
country. The sincerity and warmth with which
he reciprocated the affection expressed for his
person was well calculated to preserve the senti-
ments which were generally diffused. " I rejoice
with you my fellow citizens," said he in answer
to an address from the inhabitants of Boston, "in
every circumstance that declares your prosperity ;
...and I do so most cordially because you have
well deserved to be happy.

" Your love of liberty... your respect for the
laws.. .your habits of industry. ..and your practice
of the moral and religious obligations, are the
strongest claims to national and individual happi-
ness. And they will, I trust, be firmly and last-
ingly established."

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 227

But the interchange of sentiments with the CHAP. m.
companions of his military toils and glory, will 1739.
excite most interest, because on both sides, the
expressions may well be supposed to have been
dictated by the purest and most delicious feelings
of the human heart. From the Cincinnati of
Massachussetts he received the following address.

" Amidst the various gratulations which your
arrival in this metropolis has occasioned, permit
us, the members of the society of the Cincinnati
in this commonwealth, most respectfully to assure
you of the ardour of esteem and affection you have
so indelibly fixed in our hearts, as our glorious
leader in war and illustrious example in peace.

" After the solemn and endearing farewell on
the banks of the Hudson, which our anxiety
presaged as final, most peculiarly pleasing is the
present unexpected meeting. On this occasion,
we cannot avoid the recollection of the various
scenes of toil and danger through which you con-
ducted us:. ..and while we contemplate various
trying periods of the war, and the triumphs of
peace, we rejoice to behold you, induced by the
unanimous voice of your country, entering upon
other trials, and other services alike important,
and in some points of view equally hazardous.
For the completion of the great purposes which a
grateful country has assigned you, long, very long,
may your invaluable life be preserved. And as
the admiring world, while considering you as a
soldier have long wanted a comparison, may your
virtue and talents as a statesman leave them
without a parallel.

G g 2

THE LIFE OF

"It is not in words to express an attachment
1789. founded like ours. We can only say that when
soldiers, our greatest pride was a promptitude
of obedience to your orders;. ..as citizens, our
supreme ambition is to maintain the character of
firm supporters of that noble fabrick of federal
government over which you preside.

" As members of the society of the Cincinnati,
it will be our endeavour to cherish those sacred
principles of charity and paternal attachment
which our institution inculcates. And while our
conduct is thus regulated, we can never want the
patronage of the first of patriots and the best of
men."
To this address the following answer was returned.

" In reciprocating with gratitude and sincerity
the multiplied and affecting gratulations of my
fellow citizens of this commonwealth, they will
all of them with justice allow me to say that none
can be dearer to me than the affectionate assur-
ances which you have expressed. Dear indeed is
the occasion which restores an intercourse with
my faithful associates in prosperous and adverse
fortune ;... and enhanced are the triumphs of peace
participated with those whose virtue and valour
so largely contributed to procure them. To that
virtue and valour your country has confessed her
obligations. Be mine the grateful task to add
the testimony of a connexion which it was my
pride to own in the field, and is now my happiness
to acknowledge in the enjoyments of peace and
freedom.

" Regulating your conduct by those principles
which have heretofore governed your actions as

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 229

men, soldiers, and citizens, you will repeat the CIIAP.IH.
obligations conferred on your country, and you [739.
will transmit to posterity an example that must
command their admiration and grateful praise.
Long may you continue to enjoy the endearments
of paternal attachments, and the heartfelt happi-
ness of reflecting that you have faithfully done
your duty.

" While I am permitted to possess the con-
sciousness of this worth, which has long bound
me to you by every tie of affection and esteem
I will continue to be your sincere and faithful
friend."

Soon after his return to New York, the president
was informed of the ill success which had attended
his first attempt to negotiate a peace with the
Creek Indians. General Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, and
colonel Humphries, had been deputed on this
mission, and had met M'Gillivray with several
other chiefs, and about two thousand men, at
Rock landing on the Oconee, on the frontiers of
Georgia. The treaty commenced with appear-
ances by no means unfavourable, but was soon
abruptly broken off by M'Gillivray. Some diffi-
culties arose on the subject of boundary, but the
principle obstacles to a peace were supposed to
grow out of his personal interests and his connex-
ions with Spain.

This intelligence was more than counterbalanced Not-m

liua accedes

by the accession of North Carolina to the union. " Bunion.
In the month of November, a second convention
had met under the authority of the legislature of
that state, and the constitution was adopted by a
great majority.

THE LIFE OF

CHAPTER IV.

Meeting of the second session of the first congress.. ..Presi-
dent's speech. ...Report of the secretary of the treasury of a
plan for the support of public credit... Debate thereon....
Bill for fixing the permanent seat of government.... Adjourn-
ment of congress. ...Treaty with the Creek Indians.. ..The
United States in relations with Great Britain and Spain....
The president visits Mount Vernon.... Third session of
congress. ...The president's speech.. ..Debates on the excise
law... .On a national bank. ...The opinions of the cabinet on
the constitutionality of this last law..-. Progress of parties....
War with the Indians. ...Defeat of Harmar.... Adjournment
of congress.

1790. ON the eighth of January, the president,
Siidf attended by the heads of departments, and by the

^uSa. ^ gentlemen of his family, met both houses of COn-
ess. . '

gress in the senate chamber.

In his speech, which was delivered from the
chair of the vice president, after congratulating
congress on the accession of the important state
of North Carolina to the union, and on the pros-
perous aspect of American affairs ; after some
general observations on the encouragement which
in resuming their labours for the public good,
they would derive from the satisfaction given by
the measures of the preceding session, he pro-
ceeded to recommend certain great objects of
legislation to their more especial consideration.
esident's " Among the many interesting objects," con-
tinued the speech, " which will engage your
attention, that of providing for the common
defence willjnerit your particular regard. To be

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 231

prepared for war is one of the most effectual means CHAP. iv.
of preserving peace. 1790.

tl A free people ought not only to be armed
but disciplined ; to which end, a uniform and well
digested plan is requisite ; and their safety and
interest require that they should promote such
manufactories as tend to render them independent
on others for essential, particularly for military,
supplies."

As connected with this subject, a proper estab-
lishment for the troops which they might deem
indispensable, was suggested for their mature
deliberation ; and the indications of a hostile
temper given by several tribes of Indians, were
considered as admonishing them of the necessity
of being prepared to afford protection to the fron-
tiers, and to punish aggression.

The interests of the United States were declared
to require that the means of keeping up their
intercourse with foreign nations should be provi-
ded; and the expediency of establishing a uniform
rule of naturalization was suggested.

After stating uniformity in the currency, weights,
and measures of the United States, as an object
of great importance, and expressing his confidence
in their attention to many improvements essential
to the prosperity of the interior, the president
added, " nor am I less persuaded that you will
agree with me in opinion that there is nothing
which can better deserve your patronage than the
promotion of science and literature. Knowledge
is in every country the surest basis of public
happiness. In one, in which the measures of

232 THE LIFE °p

CHAP. iv. government receive their impression so imme-
1790. diately from the sense of the community as in
ours, it is proportionably essential. To the
security of a free constitution it contributes in
various ways : by convincing those who are
intrusted with the public administration, that every
valuable end of government is best answered by
the enlightened confidence of the people ; anS by
teaching the people themselves to know and to
value their own rights ; to discern and provide
against invasions of them ; to distinguish between
oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful
authority ; between burdens proceeding from a
disregard to their convenience, and those resulting
from the inevitable exigencies of society ; to dis-
criminate the spirit of liberty from that of licen-
tiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last,
and uniting a speedy but temperate vigilance
against encroachments, with an inviolable respect
to the laws.

" Whether this desirable object will be best
promoted by affording aids to seminaries of learn-
ing already established, by the institution of a
national university, or by any other expedients,
will be well worthy of a place in the deliberations
of the legislature."

Addressing himself then particularly to the
representatives he said, " I saw with peculiar
pleasure at the close of the last session, the reso-
lution entered into by you, expressive of your
opinion, that an adequate provision for the sup-
port of the public credit is a matter of high im-
portance to the national honour and prosperity,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

In this sentiment I entirely concur; and to a CHAP. iv.
perfect confidence in your best endeavours to 1790.
devise such a provision as will be truly consistent
with the end, I add an equal reliance on the
cheerful co-operation of the other branch of the
legislature. It would be superfluous to specify
inducements to a measure in which the character
and permanent interests of the United States are
so obviously and so deeply concerned; and which
has received so explicit a sanction from your
declaration."

Addressing himself again to both houses, he
observed, that the estimates and papers respecting
the objects particularly recommended to their
attention would be laid before them ; and con-
cluded with saying, " the welfare of our country
is the great object to which our cares and efforts
ought to be directed: and I shall derive great
satisfaction from a co-operation with you in the
pleasing though arduous task of ensuring to our
fellow citizens the blessings which they have a
right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal
government."

The answers of both houses were indicative of
the harmony which subsisted between the execu-
tive and legislative departments; and were adopted
with a degree of unanimity seldom experienced in
large assemblies.

Occupied during their first session with those
bills which were necessary to bring the new
system into full operation, and to create an im-
mediate revenue, the legislature of the union had
unavoidably deferred some measures which pos-
VOL, v. H h

234 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. sessed great and pressing claims upon their atten-
1790. tion. That neglect under which the creditors of
the public had been permitted to languish could
not fail to cast an imputation on the American
republics, which had been sincerely lamented by
the wisest among those who administered the
former government. The earnest and eloquent
appeals of that government to the states attest the
sincerity and zeal with which a majority of con-
gress sought the means of rescuing the nation
from the disgrace which fellows injustice ; and
the total disregard with which those appeals were
heard, afforded a cogent argument in favour of
that revolution which the wisdom of America had
with difficulty effected. The power to comply
substantially with the engagements of the United
States being at length conferred on those who
were bound by them, it was confidently ex-
pected by the advocates of the constitution that
their country would retrieve its reputation, and
that its fame would no longer be tarnished with
the blots which stain a faithless people.
Report of the On the 9th of January, a letter from the secre-
the7reaasyur°y tary of the treasury to the speaker of the house of

of a plan tor

ofepSZ£rt representatives was read, stating that in obedience
creait. to the resoiution Of the 21st of September, he had

prepared a plan for the support of public credit,
which he was ready to report when the house
should be pleased to receive it ; and after a short
debate in which the personal attendance of the
secretary for the purpose of making explanations
was insisted on by some, and objected to by others,

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 235

it was resolved that the report should be received CHAP. iv.
in writing on the succeeding thursday. 1790.

Availing himself of the latitude afforded by the
terms of the resolution under which he acted,
the secretary had introduced into his report an
able and comprehensive argument elucidating and
supporting the principles it contained. With
great strength and perspicuity, he displayed the
political advantages of public credit, and, "the
complicated variety of mischiefs which proceed
from a neglect of the maxims which uphold it.
Public credit could only be maintained by good
faith, by a punctual performance of contracts;"
and " good faith was recommended not only by
the strongest inducements of political expediency,
but was enforced by considerations of still greater
authority. There are arguments for it which rest
on the immutable principles of moral obligation.
And in proportion as the mind is disposed to
contemplate in the order of Providence, an inti-
mate connexion between public virtue and public
happiness, will be its repugnancy to a violation of
those principles.

"This reflection," he said, "derived additional
strength from the nature of the debt of the United
States. It was the price of liberty. The faith of
America had been repeatedly pledged for it, and
with solemnities that gave peculiar force to the
obligation."

While such a provision for the public debt as
would give it a permanent and real value was
imperiously required by every principle of good
faith and moral justice ; and was recommended

H h2

THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. by the ability it would confer on the government
1790. in times of calamity to anticipate the future
resources of the nation, congress was also invited
to the measure by the beneficial influence it would
have on all classes of the community. " The
fluctuation and insecurity incident to an unfounded
debt rendered it a mere commodity, and a pre-
carious one. As such, being only an object of
particular speculation, all the money applied to it
was so much diverted from the more useful
channels of circulation, for which the thing itself
afforded no substitute. So that in fact, one serious
inconvenience of an unfunded debt was, that it
contributed to the scarcity of money ;" but, " it
was a well known fact, that in countries in which
the national debt was properly funded, and an
object of established confidence, it answered most
of the purposes of money. The same thing
would in all probability happen in America under
the like circumstances." This he contended,
would invigorate all the operations of agriculture,
manufactures, and commerce.

After supporting with a great variety of argu-
ments the justice and the policy of an adequate
provision for the public debt, the secretary pro-
ceeded to discuss the principles on which it should
be made.

" It was agreed he said by all, that the foreign
debt should be provided for according to the pre-
cise terms of the contract. It was to be regretted
that with respect to the domestic debt, the same
unanimity of sentiment did not prevail."

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 237

The first point on which the public appeared CHAP rv.
to be divided, involved the question, " whether a
discrimination ought not to be made between
original holders of the public securities, and pre-
sent possessors by purchase." After reviewing
the arguments generally urged in its support, the
secretary declared himself against this discrimina-
tion. He deemed it "equally unjust and impo-
litic; highly injurious even to the original holders
of public securities, and ruinous to public credit."
To the arguments with which he enforced these
opinions, he added the authority of the govern-
ment of the union. From the circular address of
congress to the states of the 26th of April 1783,
accompanying their revenue system of the 18th
of the same month, passages were selected indi-
cating unequivocally, that in the view of that
body the original creditors, and those who had
become so by assignment, had equal claims upon
the nation.

After reasoning at great length against a discri-
mination between the different creditors of the
union, the secretary proceeded to examine whether
a difference ought to be permitted to remain be-
tween them and the creditors of individual states.

" Both description^ of debt were contracted for
the same objects, and were in the main the same.
Indeed a great part of the particular debts of the
states had arisen from assumptions by them on
account of the union ; and it was most equitable
that there should be the same measure of retribu-
tion for all. There were many reasons, some of
which were stated, for believing that this would

238 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. not be the case, unless the state debts should be
1790. assumed by the nation.

In addition to the injustice of favouring one class
of creditors more than another which was equally
meritorious, many arguments were urged in sup-
port of the policy of distributing to all with an
equal hand from the same source.

After an elaborate discussion of these and some
other points connected with the subject, the
secretary proposed that a loan should be opened
to the full amount of the debt, as well of the
particular states, as of the union.

The terms to be offered were,...

First... That for every hundred dollars subscribed
payable in the debt, as well interest as principal,
the subscriber shoul I be entitled to have two
thirds funded on a yearly interest of six per cent
(the capital redeemable at the pleasure of govern-
ment by the payment of the principal) and to
receive the other third in lands of the western
territory at their then actual value. Or...

Secondly. ..To have the whole sum funded at a
yearly interest of four per cent irredeemable by
any payment exceeding five dollars per annum
both on account of principal and interest, and to
receive as a compensation for the reduction of
interest, fifteen dollars and eighty cents, payable
in lands as in the preceding case. Or...

Thirdly.. .To have sixty-six and two thirds of a
dollar funded at a yearly interest of six per cent,
irredeemable also by any payment exceeding four
dollars and two thirds of a dollar per annum on
account both of principal and interest, and to have

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 239

at the end of ten years twenty, six dollars and CHAP.IV.
eighty-eight cents funded at the like interest and |790.
rate of redemption.

In addition to these propositions, the creditors
were to have an option of vesting their money in
annuities on different plans ; and it was also recom-
mended to open a loan at five per cent for ten
Bullions of dollars, payable one half in specie, and
the other half in the debt, irredeemable by any
payment exceeding six dollars per annum both of
principal and interest.

By way of experiment was als~ proposed, a
tontine on principles stated in the report.

From proposing to fund the whole debt imme-
diately at the current rate of interest, the secretary
was restraint £ by the opinion, " that although such
a provision might not exceed the abilities of the
country, it would require the extension of taxation
to a degree, and to objects which the true interest
of the creditors themselves would forbid. It was
therefore to be hoped and expected, that they
would cheerfully concur in such modifications of
their claims, on fair and equitable principles, as
would facilitate to the government an arrange-
ment substantial, durable, and satisfactory to the
community. Exigencies might ere long arise
which would call for resources greatly beyond
what was now deemed sufficient for the current
service ; and should the faculties of the country
be exhausted or even strained to provide for the
public debt, there could be less reliance on the
sucredness of the provision.

40 TlHE LIFE OF

AP.!^ "But while he yielded to the force of these
1790. considerations, he did not lose sight of those fun-
damental principles of good faith which dictate
that every practicable exertion ought to be made,
scrupulously to fulfil the engagements of govern-
ment; that no change in the rights of its creditors
ought to be attempted without their voluntary
consent; and that this consent ought to be volun-
tary in fact, as well as in name. Consequently,
that every proposal of a change ought to be in the
shape of an appeal to their reason and to their
interest, not to their necessities. To this end it
was requisite that a fair equivalent should be
offered, for what might be asked to be given up,
and unquestionable security for the remainder."
This fair equivalent for the proposed reduction of
interest was he thought offered in the relinquish-
ment of the power to redeem the whole debt at
pleasure.

That a free judgment might be exercised by
the holders of public securities in accepting or
rejecting the terms offered by the government,
provision was made in the report for paying to
non subscribing creditors, a dividend of the
surplus which should rejpain in the treasury after
paying the interest of the proposed loans : but as
the funds immediately to be provided, were cal-
culated to produce only four per cent on the entire
debt, the dividend, for the present, was not to
exceed that rate of interest.

To enable the treasury to support this increased
demand upon it, an augmentation of the duties
on imported wines, spirits, tea, and coffee, was

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 241

proposed, and a duty on home made spirits was CHAP, iv-
also recommended. 17ydt

This celebrated report, which has been alike
the fruitful theme of extravagant praise and bitter
censure, merits the more attention, because in
the measures which were founded on it, originated
the first regular and systematic opposition to the
principles on which the affairs of the union were
administered.

On the 28th of January, this subject was taken
up ; and after some animadversions on the specu-
lations in the public debt to which the report, it
was said, had already given birth, the business
was postponed until the eighth of February, when
it was again brought forward.

Several resolutions affirmative of the principles

Debate

contained in the report, were moved by Mr. thercom
Fitzsimmons. To the first, which respected a
provision for the foreign debt, the house agreed
without a dissenting voice. The second, in favour
of appropriating permanent funds for payment of
the interest on the domestic debt, and for the
gradual redemption of the principal, gave rise to
a very animated debate.

Mr. Jackson declared his hostility to funding
systems generally. To prove their pernicious
influence, he appealed to the history of Florence,
Genoa, and Great Britain ; and, contending that
the subject ought to be deferred until North
Carolina should be represented, moved, that the
committee should rise. This question being
decided in the negative, Mr. Scott declared the
opinion that the United States were not bound to

VOL. v. * i

242 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. pay the domestic creditors the sums specified in
1790 the certificates of debt in their possession. He
supported this opinion by urging, not that the
public had received less value than was expressed
on the face of the paper which had been issued,
but that those to whom it had been delivered, by
parting with it at two shillings and six pence in
the pound, had themselves fixed the value of their
claims, and had manifested their willingness to add
to their other sacrifices this deduction from their
demand upon the nation. He therefore moved
to amend the resolution before the committee so
as to require a resettlement of the debt.

The amendment was opposed by Mr. Boudinot
Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Ames, Mr. Sherman, Mr.
Hartley and Mr. Goodhue. They stated at large
the terms on which the debt had been contracted,
and urged the confidence which the creditors had
a right to place iiithe government for its discharge
according to settlements already made, and ack-
nowledgments already given. The idea that the
legislative body could diminish an ascertained
debt was reprobated with great force, as being at
the same time unjust, impolitic, and subversive
of every principle on which public contracts are
founded. The evidences of debt possessed by the
creditors of the United States were considered as
public bonds, for the redemption of which the pro-
perty and the labour of the people were pledged.
After the debate had been protracted to some
length, .the question was taken on Mr. Scott's
amendment, and it passed in the negative.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 24-3

Mr. Madison then rose, and, in an eloquent CHAP. iv.
speech replete with argument, proposed an amend-
ment to the resolution, the effect of which was to
discriminate between the public creditors, so as to
pay the present holder of assignable paper the
highest price, it had borne in the market, and give
the residue to the person with whom the debt
was originally contracted. Where the original
creditor had never parted with his claim, he was
to receive the whole sum acknowledged to be
due on the face of the certificate.

This motion was supported by Mr. Jackson,
Mr. White, Mr. Moore, Mr. Page, Mr. Stone,
Mr. Scott and Mr. Seney.

It was opposed with great earnestness and
strength of argument, by Mr. Sedgewic, Mr.
Lawrence, Mr. Smith of South Carolina, Mr.
Ames, Mr. Gerry, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Wradsworth,
Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Hartley, Mr. Bland, Mr.
Benson, Mr. Burke and Mr. Livermore.

The argument was ably supported on both
sides, was long, animated and interesting. At
length the question was put, and the amendment
was rejected by a great majority.

This discussion attracted a large portion of the
public attention. The proposition was new and
interesting. That the debt ought to be diminished
for the public advantage, was an opinion which
had frequently been advanced, and which had
gained many advocates. But a .reduction from
the claims of its present holders for the benefit of
those who had sold their rights, was a measure
which saved nothing to the public purse, and was

i i2

244 THE LIFE OP

CHAP. iv. therefore recommended only by considerations,
1790. the operation of which can never be very exten-
sive. Against it were arranged all who had made
purchases, and a great majority of those who con-
ceived that sound policy and honest dealing require
a literal observance of public contracts. Not even
sellers were united in its support. At the meeting
of the Cincinnati of New York, a petition which
had been offered in favour of the discrimination
was taken into consideration, and the vote disap-
proving its principle was unanimous. As the
enemies to the claims of the actual holders gene-
rally founded their hostility on the opinion that
the nation ought to profit from the depreciation of
the public debt, the decision of congress against
a discrimination in favour of the original creditor
produced no considerable sensation ; but the deter-
mination on that part of the secretary's report
which was the succeeding subject of deliberation,
was understood to affect political interests and
powers which are never to be approached without
danger, and seemed to unchain all those fierce
passions which a high respect for the government
and for those who administered it, had in a great
measure restrained.

The manner in which the several states entered
into and conducted the war of the revolution will
be recollected. Acting in some respects separately,
and in others conjointly, for the attainment of a
common object, their resources were exerted,
sometimes under the authority of congress, some-
times under the authority of the local government,
to repel the enemy wherever he appeared. The

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 245

debt incurred in support of the war was therefore, CHAP. iv.
in the first instance, contracted partly by the con-
tinent, and partly by the states. When the system
of requisitions was adopted, the transactions of
the union were carried on in a great degree
through the agency of the states, and when the
measure of compensating the army for the depre-
ciation of their pay became necessary, this bur-
den, under the recommendation of congress, was
assumed by the respective states. Some had
funded this debt, and .paid the interest upon it.
Others had made no provision for the interest ;
but all, by taxes, paper money, or purchase, had
in some measure reduced the principal. In their
exertions, some degree of inequality had obtained;
and they looked anxiously to a settltment of
accounts between them, for the ascertainment of
claims which each supposed itself to have upon
the union. Measures to effect this object had
been taken by the former government ; but they
were slow in their progress, and there were in the
thing itself intrinsic difficulties not easily to be
overcome.

To assume these debts, and to fund them in
common with that which continued to be the
proper debt of the union, was proposed by the
secretary of the treasury.

The resolution which comprehended this prin-
ciple of the report, was vigorously opposed.

It was contended that the general government
would acquire an undue influence, and that the
state goveEpments would be annihilated by the
measure. Not only would all the influence of the

246 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, iv. public creditors be thrown into the scale of the
1790. former, but it would absorb all the powers of
taxation, and leave to the latter only the shadow
of a government. This would probably terminate
in rendering the state governments useless, and
would destroy the system so recently established.
The union it was said, had been compared to a
rope of sand ; but gentlemen were cautioned not
to push things to the opposite extreme. The
attempt to strengthen it might be unsuccessful,
and the cord might be strained until it should
break.

The constitutional authority of the federal
government to assume the debts of the states was
questioned. Its powers it was said, were specified,
and this was not among them.

The policy of the measure, as it affected merely
the government of the union, was controverted,
and its justice was arraigned.

On the ground of policy it was objected, that
the assumption would impose on the United
States a burden, the weight of which was
unascertained, and which would require an ex-
tension of taxation beyond the limits which pru-
dence would prescribe. An attempt to raise the
impost would be dangerous; and the excise added
to it would not produce funds adequate to the
object. A tax on real estate must be resorted
to, objections to which had been made in every
part of the union. It would be more advisable
to leave this source of revenue untouched in the
hands of the state governments who could apply
to it with more facility, with a better understand-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 247

ing of the subject, and with less dissatisfaction to CHAP. iv.
individuals than could possibly be done by the I7g0.
government of the United States.

There existed no necessity for taking up this
burden. The state creditors had not required it.
There was no petition from, them upon the sub-
ject. There was not only no application from the
states, but there was reason to believe that they
were seriously opposed to the measure. Many
of them would certainly view it with a jealous, ...a
jaundiced eye. The convention of North Carolina,
which adopted the constitution, had proposed as
an amendment to it, to deprive congress of the
power of interfering between the respective states
and their creditors : and there could be no obli-
gation to assume more than the balances which
on a final settlement would be found due to
creditor states.

That the debt by being thus accumulated would
be perpetuated was also an evil of real magnitude.
Many of the states had already made considerable
progress in extinguishing their debts, and the
process might certainly be carried on more rapidly
by them than by the union. A public debt seemed
to be considered by some as a public blessing ;
but to this doctrine they were not converts. If
as they believed, a public debt was a public evil,
it would be enormously increased by adding those
of the states to that of the union.

The measure was unwise too as it would affect
public credit. Such an augmentation of the debt
must inevitably depreciate its value ; since it was
the character of paper, whatever denomination it

248 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. might assume, to diminish in value in proportion
1790. to the quantity in circulation.

It would also increase an evil which was already
sensibly felt. The state debts when assumed by
the continent, would, as that of the union had al-
ready done, accumulate in large cities ; and the
dissatisfaction excited by the payment of taxes,
would be increased by perceiving that the money
raised from the people flowed into the hands of a
few individuals. Still greater mischief was to be
apprehended. A great part of this additional
debt would go into the hands of foreigners ; and
the United States would be heavily burdened to
pay an interest which could not be expected to
remain in the country.

The measure was unjust, because it was bur-
dening those states which had taxed themselves
highly to discharge the claims of their creditors,
with the debts of those which had not made the
same exertions. It would delay the settlement of
accounts between the individual states and the
United States ; and the advocates of the measure
were openly charged with intending to defeat that
settlement.

It was also said that in its execution, the
scheme would be found extremely embarrassing,
perhaps impracticable. The case of a partial acces-
sion to the measure by the creditors, a case which
would probably occur, presented a difficulty for
which no provision was made, and of which no
solution had been given. Should the creditors in
some states come into the system, and those in
others refuse to change their security, the gov-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 949

ernment would be involved in perplexities from CHAP iv.
which no means of extricating itself had been 1790.
shewn. Nor would it be practicable to discrim-
inate between the debts contracted for general and
for local objects.

In the course of the debate, severe allusions
were made to the conduct of particular states ; and
the opinions advanced in support of the measure,
were ascribed to local interests.

In support of the assumption, the debts of the
states were traced to their origin. America, it
was said, had engaged in a war, the object of
which was equally interesting to every part of
the union. It was not the war of a particular
state, but of the United States. It was not the
liberty and independence of a part, but of the
whole for which they had contended, and which
they had acquired. The cause was a common
cause. As brethren, the American people had
consented to hazard property and life in its de-
fence. All the sums expended in the attainment
of this great object, whatever might be the au-
thority under which they were raised or approJ
priated, conduced to the same end. Troops were
raised and military stores purchased, before con-
gress assumed the command of the army, or the
control of the war. The ammunition which re-
pulsed the enemy at Bunker's hill, was purchased
by Massachussetts ; and formed a part of the debt
of that state.

Nothing could be more erroneous than the prin-
ciple which had been assumed in argument, that
the holders of securities issued by individual

VOL. v. K k

250 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. states were to be considered merely as state cred-
1790. itors ;...as if the debt had been contracted on ac-
count of the particular state. It was contracted
on account of the union, in that common cause
in which all were equally interested.

From the complex nature of the political system
which had been adopted in America, the war was
in a great measure carried on through the agency
of the state authorities, and the debts were in
truth the debts of the union, for which the states
had made themselves responsible. Except the civil
list, the whole state expenditure was in the pros-
ecution of the war ; and the state taxes had un-
deniably exceeded the provision for their civil list.
The foundation of the several classes of the debt
was reviewed in detail ; and it was affirmed to
be proved from the review, and from the books
in the public offices, that in its origin a great part
of it even in form, and the whole in fact, was
equitably due from the continent. The states indi-
vidually possessing all the resources of the nation,
became responsible to certain descriptions of the
public creditors. But they were the agents of the
continent in contracting the debt, and its distri-
bution among them for payment arose from the
division of political power which existed under
the old confederation. A new arrangement of the
system had taken place, and a power over the
resources of the nation was conferred on the gen-
eral government. With the funds, the debt also
ought to be assumed. This investigation of its
origin demonstrated that the assumption was not
the creation of a new debt, but the reacknowledg-
ment of liability for an old one, the payment of

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 251

which had devolved on those members of the svs- CHAP. iv.

d

tern, who at the time, were alone capable of paying 1790.
it. And thence was inferred, not only the justice
of the measure, but a complete refutation of the
arguments drawn from the constitution. If, in
point of fact, the debt was in its origin continental,
and had been transferred to the states for greater
facility of payment, there could be no constitu-
tional objection to restoring to it its original and
real character.

The great powers of war, of taxation, and of
borrowing money, which were vested in congress
to pay the debts, and provide for the common de-
fence and general welfare of the United States,
comprised that in question. There could be no
more doubt of their right to charge themselves
with the payment of a debt contracted in the past
war, than to borrow money for the prosecution of a
future war. The danger to be feared from a compe-
tition between the general and state governments,
with respect to those subjects over which they pos-
sessed a concurrent right of taxation, was much
insisted on. It was said to be unfriendly to both
to leave them under circumstances which rendered
clashing and interference of interests and juris-
diction unavoidable. The impolicy of leaving the
public creditors to receive payment from different
sources was also strongly pressed. The excise
it . was urged, would be made more productive
without being burdensome, if regulated by the
general government on uniform principles, than
it could possibly be, if in the hands of thirteen
independent legislatures ; and the jealousy and

K k2

252 THE LIFE

CHAP. iv. hostility which would exist between the creditors
1790. of the union and of the states, was considered as
a powerful argument in favour of giving them one
common interest. This jealousy and hostility it
was feared might be carried so far, as even to
create an opposition to the laws of the union.

If the states should provide for their creditors,
the same sum of money must be collected from
the people as would be required if the debt should
be assumed ; and it would probably be collected
in a manner more burdensome than if one uniform
system should be established. If all should not
make such provision, it would be unjust to leave
the soldier of one state unpaid, while the services
of the man who fought by his side were amply
compensated ; and after having assumed the funds,
it would dishonour the general government to per-
mit a creditor for services rendered, or property
advanced for the continent, to remain unsatisfied,
because his claim had been transferred to the state
at a time when the state alone possessed the
means of payment. By the injured and neglected
creditor, such an arrangement might justly be
considered as an artifice in a high degree disrepu-
table.

Instead of delaying, it was believed to be a
measure which would facilitate the settlement of
accounts between the states. Its advocates de-
clared that they did not entertain, and never had
entertained any wish to procrastinate a settlement.
On the contrary, it was greatly desired by them.
They had themselves brought forward propositions
for that purpose : and they invited their adver-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 253

saries to assist in improving the plan which had CHAP.IV.
been introduced. 1790.

The settlement between the states, it was said,
either would or would not be made. Should it
ever take place, it would remedy any inequalities
which might grow out of the assumption. Should
it never take place, the justice of the measure be-
came the more apparent. That the burdens in
support of a common war, which from various
causes had devolved unequally on the states,
ought to be apportioned among them, was a truth
too clear to be controverted ; and this, if the set-
tlement should never be accomplished, could be
effected only by the measure now proposed. In-
deed, in any event, it would be the only certain
as well as only eligible plan. For how were the
debtor states to be compelled to pay the balances
which should be found against them ?

If the measure was recommended by consider-
ations which rendered its ultimate adoption inevi-
table, the present was clearly preferable to any
future time. It was desirable immediately to
quiet the minds of the public creditors by assuring
them that justice would be done ; to simplify the
forms of public debt ; and it was also desirable to
put an end to that speculation which had been so
much reprobated, and which could only be ter-
minated by giving the debt a real and permanent
value.

That the assumption would impair the just in-
fluence of the states was controverted with great
strength of argument. The diffusive representation
in the state legislatures, the intimate connexion

254 TIIE LIFE OF

CHAP, iv between the representative and his constituents,
1790 the influence of the state legislatures over the
members of one branch of the national legislature,
the nature of the powers exercised by the state
governments, which perpetually presented them
to the people in a point of view calculated to lay
hold of the public affections, were guarantees
that the states would retain their due weight in
the political system, and that a debt was not
necessary to the solidity or duration of their
power.

But the argument it was said proved too much.
If a debt was now essential to the preservation of
state authority, it would always be so. It must
therefore never be extinguished, but must be
perpetuated in order to secure the existence of
the state governments. If, for this purpose, it
was indispensable that the expenses of the revo-
lutionary war should be borne by the states, it
would not be less indispensable that the expenses
of future wars should be borne in the same manner.
Either the argument was unfounded, or the con-
stitution was wrong ; and the powers of the sword
and the purse ought not to have been conferred on
the government of the union. Whatever specu-
lative opinions might be entertained on this point,
they were to administer the government according
to the principles of the constitution as it was
framed. But, it was added, if so much power
follows the assumption as the objection implies,
is it not time to ask... is it safe to forbear assuming ?
if the power is so dangerous, it will be so when
exercised by the states. If assuming tends to

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 255

consolidation, is the reverse, tending to dis- CHAP.IV.
union, a less weighty objection ? if it is answered 1790.
that the non assumption will not necessarily tend
to disunion ; neither, it may be replied, does the
assumption necessarily tend to consolidation.

To the objection that the amount of debt was
unascertained, it was answered, that whatever
might be its amount, it was justly due, and there-
fore ought to be paid. If the resources of the
nation were really inadequate to a provision for
the whole, it was more just to proportion them
among the creditors generally, than to pay them
to one class, to the entire exclusion of others
whose claims were equally meritorious. But al-
though the amount could not be precisely ascer-
tained, yet there was a reasonable certainty that
it would not far exceed the calculations of the
report; and upon the same authority, it might
safely be assumed that provision for it might be
made without having recourse to direct taxes.

It was not admitted that the assumption would
tend to perpetuate the debt. It could not be pre-
sumed that the general government would be less
willing than the local governments to discharge
it ; nor could it be presumed that the means were
less attainable by the former than the latter.

It was not contended that a public debt was a
public blessing. Whether a debt was to be pre-
ferred to no debt was not the question. The debt
was already contracted ; and the question, so far
as policy might be consulted, was whether it was
more for the public advantage to give it such a
form as would render it applicable to the pur-

256 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. poses of a circulating medium, or to leave it a
mere subject of speculation, incapable of being
employed to any useful purpose. The debt was
admitted to be an evil ; but it was an evil from
which, if wisely modified, some benefit might be
extracted ; and which in its present state, could
have only a mischievous operation.

If the debt should be placed on adequate funds,
its operation on public credit could not be perni-
cious : in its present precarious condition, there
was much more to be apprehended in that res-
pect.

To the objection that it would accumulate in
large cities, it was answered, that it would be a
monied capital, and would be held by those who
chose to place money at interest ; but by funding
the debt, the present possessors would be enabled
to part with it at its nominal value, instead of
selling it at its present current rate. If it should
centre in the hands of foreigners, the sooner it
was appreciated to its proper standard, the greater
quantity of specie would its transfer bring into the
United States.

If the measure was recommended both by justice
and policy, its execution presented no difficulty
which ought to deter the government from em-
bracing it. Whether the funds appropriated to
the object were paid immediately to the holder of
a public security as creditor of the continent, or
of a state, was unimportant ; and in adapting the
provisions to either circumstance, there could be
no insurmountable embarrassment.

GEORGE WASHINGTON". 257

To the injustice of charging those states which CHAP. iv.
had made great exertions for the payment of their 1790.
debts with the burden properly belonging to those
which had made no such exertions, it was an-
swered, that every state must be considered as
having exerted itself to the utmost of its resources ;
and that if it could not, or would not make pro-
vision for creditors to whom the union was
equitably bound, the argument in favour of an
assumption was the stronger.

The arguments drawn from local interests were
repelled, and retorted, and a great degree of irri-
tation was excited on both sides.

After a very animated discussion of several
days, the question was taken, and the resolution
was carried by a small majority. Soon after this
decision, while the subject was pending before
the house, the delegates from North Carolina took
their seats, and changed the strength of parties.
By a majority of two voices the resolution was
recommitted, and after a long and ardent debate,
in which the former arguments were reurged with
. a great variety of observations founded on local
circumstances, it was negatived by the same
majority which had voted for its recommitment.

This proposition continued to be supported
with a degree of earnestness which its opponents
termed pertinacious, but not a single opinion was
changed. It was brought forward in the new and
less, exceptionable form of assuming specific
sums from each state. Under this modification of
the principle, the extraordinary contributions of
particular states during the war, and their exer-

VOL. v. L 1

258 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. tions since the peace, might be regarded; and the
1790. objections to the measure drawn from the uncer-
tainty of the sum to be assumed would be re-
moved. But these alterations produced no change
of sentiment, and the bill was sent up to the
senate with a provision for those creditors only
whose certificates of debt purported to be payable
by the union.

In this state of things, the measure is understood
to have derived aid from another which was of a
nature strongly to interest particular parts of the
union.

From the month of June 1783, when congress
was driven from Philadelphia by the mutiny of a
part of the Pennsylvania line, the necessity of
selecting for a permanent residence, some place
in which the government of the union might
exercise sufficient authority to protect itself from
violence and insult, had been generally acknow-
ledged. Scarcely any subject had occupied more
time, or had more agitated the members of the
national legislature, than this had done. From a
comparison of the population with the territory
of the United States, arguments were drawn in
favour of a more northern and eastern, or of a
more southern and western situation, which ap-
peared equally plausible to those who advanced
them, and were supported with equal obstinacy.
Billfor In December 1784, an ordinance had passed for
pemniMmt appointing commissioners to purchase land on the
emmem. Delaware, in the neighbourhood of its falls, and
to erect thereon the necessary public buildings
for the reception of congress, and the officers of

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 259

government ; but the southern interest had been CHAP. iv.
sufficiently strong to prevent an appropriation of ,790>
funds, which required the assent of nine states; in
consequence of which the ordinance had never
been carried into execution. Under the existing
government, this subject had received the early
attention of congress; and many different situations
from the Delaware to the Potomac inclusive had
been earnestly supported; but in favour of no one
place had a majority of both houses concurred.
With as little success, had attempts been made
to change the temporary residence of congress.
Although New York was obviously too far to the
east, so many conflicting interests were brought
into operation whenever the subject was touched,
that no motion designating a more central place
for the sessions of the legislature, could succeed.
At length, a compact respecting the temporary
and permanent seat of government was entered
into between the friends of Philadelphia, and the
Potomac, whereby it was stipulated that congress
should adjourn to and hold their sessions in Phi-
ladelphia, for ten years, during which time,
buildings for the accommodation of the govern-
ment should be erected ac some place to be
selected, on the Potomac, to which the govern-
ment should remove at the expiration of the term.
This compact having united the representatives
of Pennsylvania and Delaware with the friends of
the Potomac, in favour both of the temporary and
permane n residence which had been agreed on
between them, a majority was produced in favour
of the two situations, and a bill which was brought

L\ 2

£60 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. into the senate in conformity with this previous
1790. arrangement, passed both houses by small major-
ities. This act was immediately followed by ari
amendment to the bill then depending before the
senate for funding the debt of the union. The
amendment was similar in principle to that which
had been unsuccessfully proposed in the house of
representatives. By its provisions, twenty -one
millions, five hundred thousand dollars of the state
debts were assumed in specified proportions ; and
it was particularly enacted that no certificate should
be received from a state creditor which could be
"ascertained to have been issued for any purpose
other than compensations and expenditures for
services or supplies towards the prosecution of
the late war, and the defence of the United States,
or of some part thereof, during the same."

When the question was taken in the house of
representatives on this amendment, two members
representing districts on the Potomac, who in all
the previous stages of the business had voted
against the assumption, declared themselves in
its favour; and thus the majority was changed.
The numbers in support of it were precisely the
same with that by which it had before been
rejected.*

* It has ever been understood that these members were
on principle in favour of the assumption as modified in the
amendment made by the senate ; but they withheld their
assent from it when originally proposed in the house of re-
pi'esentatives, in the opinion that the increase of the national
debt, added to the necessity of giving to the departments of
the national government a more central residence. It is
understood that a greater number would have changed had it
been necessary.

• GEORGE WASHINGTON. 261

Thus was a measure carried which was sup- CHAP. iv.
ported and opposed with a degree of zeal and 1790.
earnestness that has been manifested but on few
occasions, and which furnished presages not to be
mistaken, that the spirit with which the opposite
opinions had been maintained, would not yield
contentedly to the decision of a bare majority,
but would long retain the impressions under
which the debate had been conducted. This
measure has constituted one of the great grounds
of accusation against the first administration of
the general government, and it is fair to acknow-
ledge, that though in its progress it derived no
aid from the president, whose private opinion
respecting it remained in his own bosom, yet it
received the full approbation of his judgment.

The contest which arose in the legislature, res-
pecting one other principle introduced by the
secretary into his report, deserves also to be men-
tioned. From an apprehension that the pressure
of an immediate and adequate provision for the
whole debt might be so great as to endanger the
system, and from a conviction that some reasonable
modifications might be made in the first instance
with the consent of the creditors, but that any
subsequent failure in complying literally with the
engagements of the government would be ruinous
to public credit, certain deductions from the
amount of debt, to be voluntary on the part of the
creditor, had been proposed ; and as a compensa-
tion for these deductions, it was offered to make
the debt irredeemable, otherwise than by the

262 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. consent of the creditor, except in certain specified
1790. proportions.

To the resolution affirming this principle, a
serious opposition was made.

If was declared to be a perpetuation of debt for
which no competent motive existed. The pro-
position was founded on the calculation that the
rate of interest would be reduced, and that the
future flourishing state of the revenue would
enable the government, by new loans on more
advantageous terms/ to discharge the whole of
the present debt. Except for this calculation, the
proposition could not be reconciled to national
faith; and if the calculation was just, the United
States ought not to relinquish the power of paying
off the debt the instant they should acquire the
ability to discharge it. It was not pretended that
this irredeemable quality would enhance the value
of public securities in the opinion of the American
holders. To foreigners alone would it furnish an
inducement to subscribe to the proposed loan.
The transfer of the debt to foreigners, was averred
to be a mischief which ought not to be increased.
The payment of interest to creditors residing out
of these states would be an annual drain of specie
which would be severely felt. It would not only
occasion the re-exportation of the gold and silver
which might be imported to pay for the stock
purchased, but would in a short time deprive the
United States of a great part of their circulating
medium. On this account, the proposed reduc-
tion of interest was not to be desired. Money in
the southern states bore an interest of eight per

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 263

cent. Of consequence, no part of the debt could CHAP.IV.
reside in that division of the union. It would 1790.
centre in the hands of foreigners, or in the eastern
states ; and the southern people would be taxed
to pay an annual interest which could not return
into circulation among them. To them it would
be more advantageous that the contract should
remain unchanged. It was also contended, that
the reduction from the amount of debt could only
be justified by necessity, of the existence of which
no proofs were in the possession of the house.
That the option offered to the creditors was not
a fair one. In the cases cited as precedents, the
creditor, if dissatisfied with the new terms proposed
to him, might receive payment according to the
original contract. But the United States were
unable to offer payment to those who should object
to this modification of their claims. It was there-
fore apparent that the propositions contained in
the report, however disguised, involved a violation
of the national faith.

By those who supported the resolution, it was
admitted that the contract, according to its present
terms, was obligatory on the United States, and
could not be changed without the free consent of
the creditors. A change might, it was believed,
be made, in which the advantage and convenience
of both parties would be promoted ; and the reso-
lution before the committee was advocated in
the opinion that the interests of both would be
advanced by its adoption.

From the discussion of this question, all sus-
picions of bad faith was to be excluded. Govern-

264 THE LIFE °*'

CHAP. rv. inent would not distrust itself, nor suppose that
1790. i£ was distrusted by others. Into its ability, not
its will, were they to. inquire. This inquiry was
not to be confined to the ability of the people to
pay, nor to the constitutional power of the legis-
lature to tax. On habit did the exercise of this
power greatly depend, and the habit of paying
taxes was of slow growth in every country.
Experience alone could ascertain the productive,
ness of taxes, could teach the government the
form in which they might most conveniently be
imposed, and how far it was practicable and pru-
dent to go. A new tax is more grievous than an
old one ; for people form their habits of living on
the permanent state of things, and habit renders
the burden not only less obnoxious, but less
oppressive also. From these premises it was
inferred, that congress did not yet possess its
entire capacity to form sufficient funds, nor com-
plete evidence to satisfy the creditors that they
would be sufficient to perform literally the engage-
ments with which the government was charged.
The funds must be sufficient, otherwise it would
be in vain to pledge them; and known to be suffi-
cient, otherwise they would not be trusted. Any
insecurity in this respect would continue the evil
of a debt fluctuating in its value, and would injure
the creditors by the diminished price of their paper
in the market. It was to the interest of both parties,
since the debt existed, to give it a high and fixed
exchangeable value, so that it would answer the
purposes of the precious metals. This could only
be effected by the provision of funds which, in fact,
and in the public opinion, were adequate to the

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 265

sums with which they were charged. Gentlemen CHAP, iv,
might say and believe that the taxes would pro- ' 1790.
duce a sum adequate to the payment of six per
centum on the whole debt ; but the requisite con-
fidence could not be placed in these calculations ;
there would remain a degree of doubt respecting
them, which would be alike unfriendly to the
interests of the public and of the creditor. But
admitting the taxes to be so productive as to
secure the punctual payment of the interest, it
ought not to be forgotten that a valuable and
operative part of the plan was a sinking fund.
This would raise the value of stock in the market
by adding to the number of purchasers ; and
by gradually diminishing the debt itself, would
increase the security of the residue. It was an
object alike important to the government and to
its creditors ; and for its attainment, something
might be relinquished by each.

But if by draining the sources of taxation, the
sum produced should even be sufficient to pay
the whole interest of the debt, and to provide also
a sinking fund, was it consistent with prudence
for a nation to pledge its funds to the extent of
its capacity ? contingent expenses could not be
avoided. By these, the confidence in the funds
might be impaired ; and by a war, the whole
system of public credit might be destroyed. If
the public burdens were such as to justify these
apprehensions, they would be entertained ; and
the existence of such suspicions would affect the
price of stock. To the creditors themselves it
was a question of fair calculation, how far their

VOL. v. Mm

266 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. interests would be promoted by such a change of
1790. the terms of the contract, as would indeed diminish
the nominal amount of their claims, but would
increase their security. These considerations
being taken into view, it was prudent in the
United States to offer, and in their creditors to
accept such reasonable arrangements respecting
the debt, as the circumstances of the government
required. But if these circumstances required a
diminution of the present burden, justice and good
faith demanded that a real equivalent should be
offered for that portion of claim on the public
which was to be surrendered. The system now
brought forward presented this equivalent. In
its composition were to be found principles greatly
to be desired by the creditor, without being
injurious to the state.

As the contract now stood, there was no obli-
gation to pledge permanent funds for the payment
of the interest, and the gradual extinguishment of
the principal. The nation was indeed bound to
make an annual provision for the interest, and to
discharge the principal as soon as its circum-
stances would admit. But 'between such an annual
provision, and a permanent security coextensive
with the debt itself, not depending on the various
contingencies which might influence the legisla-
ture in the course of events, there was a difference
which would materially affect the price of the
article. Of the truth of this proposition, the low
rate at which the securities of those states sold in
the market which had regularly paid the interest,
\vas considered as conclusive evidence. The

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 267

advantage, therefore, which the creditor would CHAP. iv.
derive from the increased value of his capital, 1790.
would compensate for the diminution of his
interest. While this operation was a great advan-
tage to the creditors, it was more than merely not
injurious, it was really beneficial to the United
States. The sooner the price of the debt in market
could, without an increase of burden, be raised to-
ils nominal value, the sooner would it become a
useful medium of circulation ; the sooner would
that pernicious speculation which was so much
reprobated be terminated ; and the greater sum in
specie would it command to the present holders.

The permanence of the debt was also a quality
which gave it value to the creditor, without in-
creasing the burdens of the nation. In times of
peace, the rate of interest had always fallen, and
it was for the holder of public securities to decide,
whether he would prefer a higher interest for a
short time, or a lower interest secured for a long
time.

On this point, many observations were made
in support of the opinion, that the principle under
discussion would, in the opinion of the creditor,
add to- the value of the debt.

That the whole system taken together would be
beneficial to the United States, was a proposition
susceptible of such complete demonstration, that
no difficulty could be apprehended respecting this
part of the argument.

By the modifications of the debt which were
connected with the proposition underconsideration,
the United States would save thirteen millions of

M m 2

258 THE LIFE OE

CHAP, iv. dollars. For this certain gain they gave a principal,
1790. which, without adding to the weight of the remain-
ing burden, was really advantageous to the com-
munity in some respects, as it would contribute
to raise the price of stock so as to convert an ob-
ject of pernicious speculation into a valuable and
active capital. The objection is that this whole
capital is not redeemable at the will of the legis-
lature. But making the debt redeemable, will not
redeem it. Nor will making it irredeemable be
a real restraint on the present or probable capacity
of the public to redeem. It will probably not
prolong the evil of a public debt a single day.
All the money that can be provided for paying it
off may still be employed in its discharge, because
until the debt shall rise above par, there will be
no difficulty in redeeming it by purchase. This
will be advantageous to the creditor, because
buying at the market price will raise the value of
the article. The right without the means to re-
deem is worth nothing ; and every probability is
in favour of the opinion, that the public will long
be at liberty to employ all its means. Thirteen
millions will be already redeemed. Perhaps the
exertions of thirteen years would not sink as large
a sum : and perhaps in twenty years the reduced
. rate of interest would not be such as to raise the
capital above par, and render it necessary to sus-
pend purchases. But should the fact be otherwise,
still the proposition reserved to the government
the power to redeem gradually, and it was not
probable that it would be found convenient to use
this power, should it be possessed, more exten-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 269

sively than at the rate which the resolution author- CHAP. iv.
ized. Those who will not be satisfied with this
argument, and say the government may redeem
faster, will please to remember, that by making
the entire debt redeemable, they will have more
to redeem. To an imaginary increase of the
power, will be added an actual increase of the
task to be performed. But it was believed that
the assertion would not seriously be made, that
the public would probably command more money
than could be employed in the purchase of stock
at and under par.

It may be asked, what advantage then is to be
derived from giving to stock the irredeemable
quality in the resolution ?

It is answered, that the object of the legislature
is to establish public credit. That is effected
when the stock will sell at par. The American
market for stock is limited. The people of this
country possess little active property, and that
little is fully employed in active pursuits. A
poor market cannot give credit to a great debt.
The great market... the trading and monied
world.. .must be regarded. To qualify stock for the
great European market, there must be something
permanent in its character. A high interest for a
short time will not recommend it so strongly as n.
lower interest for a longer time. By giving it this
character, its price will be raised, and the holders
will receive in that augmentation of price, a com-
pensation for the proposed reduction from the
amount. This circumstance will contribute also to
the permanence of its value, and by diminishing

270 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, iv. that fluctuation which is so favourable to perni-
1790. cious speculation, will diminish speculation it-
self.

After a long and animated debate, the reso-
lution was carried. A bill at length passed both
houses, funding the debt upon principles which
lessened considerably the weight of the public
burdens, and which gave much satisfaction to the
public creditors. The proceeds of the sales of
the lands lying in the western territory, and, by
a subsequent act of the same session, the surplus
product of the revenue after satisfying the appro-
priations which were charged upon it, with .the
addition of two millions which the president was
authorized to borrow at five per centum, consti-
tuted a sinking fund to be applied to the reduction
of the debt. The effect of these measures was
great and rapid. The public paper suddenly rose,
and was for a short time above par. The immense
wealth which individuals acquired by this unex-
pected appreciation, could not be viewed with in-
difference. By those who participated in its ad-
vantages, the author of a system to which they
were so greatly indebted was regarded with an
enthusiasm of attachment, to which scarcely any
limits could be assigned. To many others, this
adventitious collection of wealth in particular
hands, was a subject rather of chagrin than of
pleasure ; and the reputation which the success of
his plans gave to the secretary of the treasury, was
not contemplated with unconcern. As if the debt
had been created by the existing government, not
by a war which gave liberty and independence to

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 271

the United States, its being funded was ascribed CHAP. iv.
by many, not to a sense of justice, and to a liberal
and enlightened policy, but to the desire of be-
stowing on the government an artificial strength
by the creation of a monied interest which would
be subservient to its will.

The effects produced by giving the debt a per-
manent value, seemed to justify the predictions
of those whose anticipations from that source had
been the most favourable. The sudden increase of
monied capital derived from it invigorated com-
merce, and consequently gave a new stimulus to
agriculture.

About this time there was a great and visible
improvement in the circumstances of the people.
Although in producing this result the funding
system was certainly not inoperative, it cannot be
justly ascribed to any single cause. Progressive
industry had without doubt gradually repaired the
losses sustained by the suspension of commerce
during the war, and the influence of the constitu-
tion on habits of thinking and acting, though silent,
was far from being inconsiderable. In depriving
the states of the power to impair the obligation of
contracts, or to make any thing but gold and silver
a tender in payment of debts, the conviction was
impressed on that portion of society which had
looked to the government for relief .from embar-
rassment, that personal exertions alone could free
them from difficulties; and an increased degree
of industry and economy was the natural conse-
quence of such an opinion.

272 TH£ LIFE OF

CHAP iv. On the 12th of August, after an arduous session
1790. in. which several acts of general importance were

Adjournment passed, congress adjourned, to meet in Philadel-
phia the first monday in the following December.
While the discussions in the national legislature
related to subjects, and were conducted in a tem-
per, well calculated to rouse that active spirit of
party which in popular governments especially
feels too many exciternents long to remain dormant,
the external relations of the United States pre-
sented an aspect which was far from being perfectly
serene. To the hostile temper manifested by the
Indians on the western and southern frontiers, an
increased degree of importance was given by the
apprehension that their discontents were fomented
by the intrigues of Britain and of Spain. From
Canada, the Indians of the north west were under-
stood to be furnished with the means of prosecu-
ting a war which they were stimulated to continue,
and to the influence of the governor of the Floridas
had been partly attributed the failure of the nego-
tiation with the Creeks. That this influence would
still be exerted to prevent a friendly intercourse
with that nation was firmly believed ; and it was
feared that in the open hostilities threatened by
the irritable dispositions of individuals in both
countries, Spain might be induced to take a part.
From the intimate connexion subsisting between
the members of the house of Bourbon this event
was peculiarly deprecated, and the means of
avoiding it were sought with solicitude. To
renew the pacific overtures which had already
been rejected, unless they could be made under

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 273

more favourable circumstances, promised no bene- CHAP. iv.
ficial result, and might diminish the respect with 17-90-
which those savages contemplated the American
government ; yet something was to be essayed
to avert a war, which, should it even extend no
further, could be attended only with public ex-
pense, and private calamity. The motives for
negotiating a treaty with the Creeks being so
powerful, it was determined to make another
effort to accomplish that object; but it was at the
same time resolved that the agent to be employed
should visit the country on other pretexts, and
should carry a letter of introduction to M'Gil-
livray, blending with other subjects a strong
representation of the miseries which a war with
the United States would bring upon his people :
of the indiscretion of breaking off the negotiation
at the Rock landing ; and an earnest exhortation
to him to repair with the chiefs of his nation to
the seat of the federal government, in order to
effect a solid and satisfactory peace. The bearer
of this letter was also furnished with passports and
letters of safe conduct, to be used if the occa-
sion should require them ; but he was instructed
not to avow the authority with which he was
invested, unless he should be well assured that
the propositions he was authorized to make would
be favourably received: For this service colonel
Willett, a gallant and intelligent officer who had
served through the war of the revolution, was
selected ; and he acquitted himself so well of the
duty assigned to him, that the chiefs of the nation,
with M'Gillivray at their head, were induced to
VOL. v. N n

274 THE ' LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. repair to New York, where negotiations were
1790 immediately opened which terminated in a treaty
Treaty with of peace* signed on the seventh day of August. f
Indians! The pacific overtures made to the Indians of the

Wabash and the Miamis had not been equally
successful. The western frontiers were still ex-
posed to their destructive incursions ; and there
was much reason to apprehend, that the inhabi-
tants of Kentucky, and of the western counties of
the middle states, could only be relieved from the
horrors of the tomahawk and the scalping knife,
by a vigorous exertion of the military strength
of the union. With the president, a long course
of experience had confirmed the opinion, that on
the failure of negotiation, sound policy and true
economy, not less than humanity, required the
immediate employment of a force which should
be certainly competent to the object, and which
should carry terror and destruction into the heart
of the hostile settlements. Either not feeling the
same impressions, or disposed to indulge the
wishes of the western people, who declared openly
their preference for desultory militia expeditions,
congress did not adopt measures corresponding
with the wishes of the executive, and the military

* On the first information at St. Augustine that M'Gillivray
was about to repair to New York, the intelligence was com-
municated to the governor at the Havanna, and the secretary
of E.Florida came to New York, with a large sum of money
to purchase flour, as it was said, but to embarrass the negotia-
tions with the Creeks was believed to be his real design. He
was closely watched, and measures were taken to render any
attempts he might make abortive.

t See Note, No. II. at tks end of the -volume.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 275

establishment* was not equal to the exigence. CHAP.IV.
The distresses of the frontier inhabitants therefore ^go.
still continued, and the hostility they had origin,
ally manifested to the constitution sustained no
diminution.

In adjusting the points of controversy with united states

. . ill j in relations

Spam and Britain, no progress had been made, with Great

Britain and

With the former power, the question of boundary sp*1"-
remained unsettled : nor did the cabinet of Madrid
manifest any disposition to relax the rigor of its
pretensions respecting the navigation of the Mis-
sissippi. Its general conduct furnished no foun-
dation for a hope that its dispositions towards the
United States were friendly, or that it could view
without jealousy their growing power.

The non-execution of the 4th, 5th, 6th and 7th
articles of the treaty of peace, still furnished the
United States and Great Britain with matter for re-
ciprocal crimination, which there was the more dif-
ficulty in removing because no diplomatic inter-
course was kept up bet ween them. The cabinet of
St. James having never appointed a minister to the
United States, and Mr. Adams having returned
from London without effecting the object of his

* On giving his assent to the bill " regulating the military
establishment of the United States," the president subjoined
to the entry in his diary the remark, that although he gave it
his sanction " he did not conceive that the military establish-
ment was adequate to the exigencies of the government,
and to the protection it was intended to afford." It consisted
of one regiment of infantry, and one battalion of artillery,
amounting in the total, exclusive of commissioned officers, to
twelve hundred and sixteen men.

N n 2

276 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv.. mission, the American government felt some
1790. difficulty in repeating advances which had been
treated with neglect. Although the imbecility of
congress under the confederation might in some
measure account for not interchanging a minister,
the present administration was not inclined hastily
to expose itself to a similar mark of disrespect.
Yet there was much reason to desire complete
explanations with the English government, and to
understand perfectly its views and intentions. The
subjects for discussion were delicate in their na-
ture, and could not be permitted to remain in their
present state, without hazarding the most serious
consequences. The detention of a part of the ter-
ritory of the United States, was a circumstance of
much importance to the honour, as well as to the
interests of the nation ; and the commercial inter-
course between the two countries was so extensive
as to require amicable and permanent regulations.
To these subjects, the early attention of the pre-
sident had been directed ; and in October 1789,
he had resolved on taking informal measures to
sound the British cabinet, and to ascertain its
views respecting them. To Mr. Gouverneur
Morris, who had been carried by private business
to Europe, this negotiation was intrusted ; and he
conducted it with ability and address, but was
unable to bring it to a happy conclusion. The
result of his conferences with the duke of Leeds,
and jyith Mr. Pitt, was a conviction that the Bri-
tish government, considering the posts they oc-
cupied on the southern side of the great lakes as
essential to their monopoly of the fur trade, would

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 277

surrender them reluctantly, and was not desirous CHAP.IV.
of entering into a commercial treaty. Those 1790.
ministers expressed a wish to be on the best terms
with America ; but repeated the complaints which
had been previously made by lord Carmarthen, of
the non-execution of the treaty of peace on the
part of the United States. To the observations
made by Mr. Morris, that the constitution lately
adopted, and the judicial courts established under
it, amounted to a full compliance with that treaty
on the part of the American government, it was
answered, that losses had already been sustained in
consequence of the obstructions given by the states
to the fair operation of that instrument, which ren-
dered a faithful observance of it at present impos-
sible ; and in a note, the duke of Leeds expressly
avowed the ^intention, if the delay on the part of the
American government to fulfil its engagements
made in the treaty should have rendered their
final completion impracticable, to retard the ful-
filment of those which depended entirely on Great
Britain, until redress should be granted to the
subjects of his majesty on the specific points of
the treaty itself, or a fair and just compensation
obtained for the non performance of those stipu-
lations which the United States had failed to ob-
serve. Though urged by Mr. Morris to state
explicitly in what respects, and to what degree, he
considered the final completion of those engage-
ments to which the United States were bound,
as having been rendered impracticable, no such
statement was given ; and the British government
seemed inclined to avoid for the present those full

273 THE LIFE OF

CHAP iv. and satisfactory explanations which were sought
1790. °n the part of America.

After detailing the motives which in his opinion
influenced the English cabinet in wishing to sus-
pend for a time all discussions with America, Mr.
Morris observed, " perhaps there never was a
moment in which this country felt herself greater,
and consequently, it is the most unfavourable
moment to obtain advantageous terms from her in
any bargain."

Whilst these negotiations were depending, in-
telligence was received at London of the attack
made on the British settlement at Nootka Sound ;
and preparations were instantly made to resent
the insult alleged to have been offered to the na-
tion. The high ground taken on this occasion by
the government, and the vigour with which it
armed in support of its pretensions, furnished
strong reasons for the opinion that a war with
Spain, and probably with France, would soon be
commenced.

In America, this was considered as a favour-
able juncture for urging the claims of the United
States to the free navigation of the Mississippi.
Mr. Carmichael, their charge d'affaires at the court
of Madrid, was instructed not only to press this
point with earnestness, but to use his utmost
endeavours to secure the unmolested use of that
river in future, by obtaining a cession of the island
of New Orleans, and of the Floridas. In the
sincere friendship of the United States, and in
the security which would be given to the terri-
tories of Spain, west of the Mississippi, would be

GEORGE WASHINGTON. £79

found, it was said, a full equivalent for this ces- CHAP.IV.
sion. Not only would the United States have no 1790.
motive for passing that river themselves, but
their real interest dictated that Spain should retain
the undisturbed possession of the immense regions
she claimed west of its banks.

Mr. Carmichael was also instructed to point
the attention of the Spanish government to the
peculiar situation of the United States. To one
half of their territory, the .use of the Mississippi
was indispensable. No efforts could prevent their
acquiring it. That they would acquire it either
by acting separately, or in conjunction with Great
Britain, was one of those inevitable events against
which human wisdom would in vain attempt to
provide. To the serious consideration of the
Spanish government, therefore, were submitted
the consequences which must result to their whole
empire in America, either from hostilities with
the United States, or from a seizure of Louisiana
by Great Britain.

The opinion, that in the event of war between
Great Britain and Spain, Louisiana would be in-
vaded from Canada, was not a mere suggestion
for the purpose of aiding the negotiations at Ma-
drid. It was seriously adopted by the American
government; and the attention of the executive
was turned to the measures which it would be
proper to take, should application be made for
permission to march a body of troops through the
unsettled territories of the United States into the
dominions of Spain, or should the attempt be
made to march them without permission.

280 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. Among the circumstances which contributed to
1790. the opinion that, in the event of war, the arms of
Great Britain would be directed against the settle-
ments of Spain in America, was the continuance
of lord Dorchester in the government of Canada.
This nobleman had intimated a wish to visit New
York on his return to England ; but the prospect
of a rupture with Spain had determined him to
remain in Canada. Under the pretext of making
his acknowledgments for the readiness with
which his desire to pass through New York had
been acceded to, his lordship dispatched major
Beckwith, a member of his family, to sound the
American government, and if possible, to ascer-
tain its dispositions towards the two nations. Al-
luding to the negotiations which had been com-
menced in London, this gentleman endeavoured
to assign a satisfactory cause for the delays which
had intervened. It was not improbable, he said,
that these delays, and some other circumstances,
might have impressed Mr. Morris with an idea
of backwardness on the part of the British minis-
try. His lordship, however, had directed him to
say, that an inference of this sort would not in his
opinion be well founded, as he had reason to be-
lieve that the cabinet of Great Britain entertained
a disposition not only towards a friendly inter-
course, but towards an alliance with the United
States.

Major Beckwith represented the particular
ground of quarrel as one which ought to interest
all commercial nations in favour of the views of
Great Britain; and from that circumstance he

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 28 I

presumed that, should a war ensue, the United CHAP rv-
States would find their interest in taking part with
Britain rather than with Spain.

After expressing the concern with which lord
Dorchester had heard of the depredations of the
savages on the western frontier of the United
States, he declared that his lordship, so far from
countenancing these depredations, had taken every
proper opportunity to impress upon the Indians a
pacific disposition ; and that on his first hearing
of the outrages lately committed, he had sent a
messenger to endeavour to prevent them. Major
Beckwith further intimated, that the perpetrators
of the late murders were banditti, composed chiefly
of Creeks and Cherokees, over whom the British
governor had no influence, but who were in the
interest of Spain.

These communications were laid before the
president, and appeared to him to afford an expla-
nation of the delays which had been practised with
Mr. Morris. He was persuaded that a disposition
existed in the cabinet of London to retain things
in their actual situation, until the intentions of
the American government should be ascertained
with respect to the war supposed to be approach-
ing. If the United Stntes would enter into an
alliance with Great Britain, and would make a
common cause with her against Spain, the way
would be smoothed to the attainment of all their
objects : but if America should be disinclined to
such a connexion, and especially, if she should
manifest any partiality towards Spain, no progress
would be made in the attempt to adjust the points

'VOL. V. ft O

282 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, iv. of difference between the two nations. Taking
1790. this view of the subject, he directed that the fur-
ther communications of Mr. Beckwith should
be heard civilly, and that their want of official
authenticity should be hinted delicately, without
using any expressions which might in the most
remote degree commit the United States, or di-
minish their freedom to pursue, without reproach
in the expected war, such a line of conduct as
their interests or honour might dictate.

In the opinion that it would not only be useless
but dishonourable further to press a commercial
treaty, or the exchange of ministers, and that the
subject of the western posts ought not again to be
moved on the part of the United States, until they
should be in a condition to speak a decisive lan-
guage, the powers given to Mr. Morris were
withdrawn. If the interests of their nation should
produce dispositions in the British cabinet
favourable to an amicable arrangement of differ-
ences, and to a liberal commercial intercourse
secured by compact, it was believed that they
would themselves come forward and make the re-
quisite advances ; until then, or until some other
change of circumstances should require a change
of conduct, things were to remain in their actual
situation.

About the time of adopting this resolution, the
dispute between Britain and Spain was adjusted.
Finding France unwilling to engage in his quarrel,
his catholic majesty, too weak to encounter alone
the force of the British empire, yielded every
point in controversy ; and thus were terminated
for the present, koth the fear of inconveniences,

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 283

and the hope of advantages which might result to CHAP. iv.
America from hostilities between the two powers 1790.
whose dominions were in her neighbourhood, and
with each of whom she was already engaged in
controversies not easily to be accommodated.

By his incessant application to public business,
and the consequent change of active for sedentary
habits, the constitution of the president seemed
much impaired ; and, during the last session of
congress he had, for the second time since entering
on the duties of his present station, been attacked
by a severe disease which reduced him to the
brink of the grave. Exercise and a temporary
relief from the cares of office being essential to
the restoration of his health, he determined, for
the short interval afforded by the recess of the

legislature, to retire from the metropolis, and from The presi-
dent visits

the fatigues of public life, to the tranquil shades yemon.
of Mount Vernon. After returning from a visit
to Rhode Island,* which state not having then
adopted the American constitution, had not been
included in his late tour through New England,
he took leave of New York, and hastened to that
peaceful retreat, and those rural employments,
his taste for which neither military glory, nor
political power could ever diminish.

After a short indulgence in these favourite
scenes, it became necessary to repair to Philadel-
phia, in order to meet the national legislature.

* In Rhode Island the president was received with the
same marks of esteem and affection which had been exhibited
Jn every other part in the union which he had visited.

o O 2

•284 THE LIPE OF

CHAP. iv. In the speech delivered to congress at the com-
1790 mencement of their third session, the president
Thirdsession expressed much satisfaction at the favourable

of congress.

prospect of public affairs; and particularly noticed
the progress of public credit, and the productive-
ness of the revenue. " This latter circumstance"
Thepresi. he added "is the more pleasing as it is not only

dent's speech. *•

a proof of the fertility of our resources, but as it
assures us of a further increase of the national
respectability and credit ; and let me add, as it
bears an honourable testimony to the patriotism
and integrity of the mercantile and marine part
of the citizens."

Adverting to foreign nations,* he said, "the
disturbed situation of Europe, and particularly
the critical posture of the great maritime powers,
whilst it ought to make us more thankful for the
general peace and security enjoyed by the United
States, reminds us at the same time of the circum-
spection with which it becomes us to preserve
these blessings. It requires also, that we should
not overlook the tendency of a war, and even
of preparations for war among the nations most
concerned in active commerce with this country,
to abridge the means, and thereby at least to
enhance the price, of transporting its valuable
productions to their proper market." To the
serious reflection of congress was recommended

* In a more confidential message to the senate, all the
objects of the negotiation in which Mr. Morris had been
employed were detailed, and the letters of that gentleman',
•with the full opinion of the president were communicated.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 285

the prevention of embarrassments from these con- CHAP. iv.
tingencies, by such encouragement to American 1790.
navigation as would render the commerce and
agriculture of the United States less dependent
on foreign bottoms.

After expressing to the house of representatives
his confidence arising from the sufficiency of the
revenues already established, for the objects to
which they were appropriated, that their residuary
provisions would be commensurate to the other
objects for which the public faith stood pledged,
he added "allow me moreover to hope that it will
be a favourite policy with you not merely to secure
a payment of the interest of the debt funded, but
as far, and as fast as the growing resources of the
country will permit, to exonerate it of the prin-
cipal itself." Many subjects relativeito the in-
terior government were succinctly and briefly
mentioned ; and the speech concluded with the
following impressive and admonitory sentiment.
" In pursuing the various and weighty business
of the present session, I indulge the fullest per-
suasion that your consultations will be marked
with wisdom, and animated by the love of country.
In whatever belongs to my duty, you shall have
all the co-operation which an undiminished zeal
for its welfare can inspire. It will be happy for
us both, and our best reward, if by a successful
administration of our respective trusts, we can
make the established government more and more
instrumental in promoting the good of our fellow
citizens, and more and more the object of their
attachment and confidence,"

£86 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. The addresses of the two houses, in answer to
1790. the speech, proved that the harmony between the
executive and legislative departments, with which
this congress commenced its deliberations, had
sustained no essential interruption. But in the
short debate which took place on the occasion, in
the house of representatives, a direct disapproba-
tion of one of the measures of the executive gov-
ernment was, for the first time, openly expressed.

In the treaty lately concluded with the Creeks,
an extensive territory claimed by Georgia, under
treaties, the validity of which was contested by the
Indian chiefs, had been entirely, or in great part,
relinquished. This relinquishment excited serious
discontents in that state; and when a clause in the
address of the house of representatives, which
respected Indian affairs, was under consideration,
general Jackson criminated the measure with con-
siderable warmth, as an unjustifiable abandon-
ment of the rights and interests of Georgia. No
specific motion, however, was made, and the sub-
ject was permitted to pass away for the present.

Scarcely were the debates on the address con-
cluded, when several very interesting reports were
received from the secretary of the treasury, sug-
gesting such further measures as were deemed
necessary for the establishment of public credit.

It will be recollected that in his original report
on this subject, the secretary had recommended
the assumption of the state debts ; and had pro-
posed to enable the treasury to meet the increased
demand upon it, which this measure would occa-
sion, by an augmentation of the duties on imported

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 287

wines, spirits, tea and coffee, and by imposing a CHAP.IV.
duty on spirits distilled within the country. The 1790.
assumption not having been adopted until late in
the session, the discussions on the revenue which
would be required for this portion of the public
debt did not commence, until the house had
become impatient for an adjournment. As much
contrariety of opinion was disclosed, and the sub-
ject did not press,* it was deferred to the ensuing
session ; and an order was made, requiring the
secretary of the treasury to prepare and report
such further provision as might, in his opinion,
be necessary for establishing the public credit.
In obedience to this order, several reports had
been prepared, the first of which repeated the re-
commendation of an additional impost on foreign
distilled spirits, and of a duty on spirits distilled
within the United States. The estimated revenue
from these sources was eight hundred and seventy-
seven thousand five hundred dollars, affording a
small excess over the sum which would be re-
quired to pay the interest on the assumed debt.
The policy of the measure was discussed in a well
digested and able argument, detailing many mo-
tives, in addition to those assigned in his original
report, for preferring the system now recom-
mended, to accumulated burdens on commerce,
or to a direct tax on lands.

A new tax can seldom fail to be a rallying point
for all those who are unfriendly to the adminis-
tration, or to the minister by whom it is proposed.

* The interest on the assumed debt was to commence with
the year 1792.

288 THE LIFE OF

CHAPJIV^ But tjjat recommended by the secretary, contained
1790. intrinsic causes of objection which would neces-
sarily add to the number of its enemies. All that
powerful party in the United States, which attached
itself to the local, rather than to the general gov-
ernment, would inevitably contemplate any system
of internal revenue with jealous disapprobation.
To them, imposts collected by congress, on any
domestic manufacture, wore the semblance of a
foreign power intruding itself into their particular
concerns, and excited serious apprehensions for
state importance, and for liberty. In the real or
supposed interests of many individuals was also
found a distinct motive for hostility to the mea-
sure. A large portion of the American population,
especially that which had spread itself over the
extensive regions of the west, consuming im-
ported articles to a very inconsiderable amount,
was not much affected by the impost on foreign
merchandise. But the duty on spirits distilled
within the United States, reaching this part of
the society, it was consequently indisposed to
the tax.

law.

1791. A bill having been ^introduced, conforming to
Debate on ^e rePort> ^ was opposed with great vehemence
e excise ^y a majority of tne southern and western mem-
bers. By some of them it was insisted that no
sufficient testimony had yet been exhibited that
the taxes already imposed would not be equal to
the exigencies of the public. But, admitting the
propriety of additional burdens on the people, it
was contended that other sources of revenue, less
exceptionable and less odious than this, might be

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 289

explored. The duty was branded with the hateful CHAP.IV.
epithet of an excise, a species of taxation, it was 1791.
said, so peculiarly oppressive as to be abhorred
even in England ; and which was totally incom-
patible with the spirit of liberty. The facility
with which it might be extended to other objects
was urged against its admission into the American
system ; and declarations made against it by the
congress of 1775, in their address to the Canadians,
were quoted in confirmation of the justice with
which inherent vices had been ascribed to this
mo'tt of collecting taxes. So great was the
hostility manifested against it in some of the
states, that the revenue officers might be endan-
gertd trom the fury of the people ; and in all, it
would increase a ferment which had been already
extensively manifested. Resolutions of Maryland,
Virginia, and North Carolina,* reprobating the
assumption, were referred to as unequivocal evi-
dences of growing dissatisfaction ; and the last
mentioned state had even expressed its decided
h< stilin to any law of excise. The legislature of
North Carolina had rejected with scorn, a pro-
posal for taking an oath to support the constitu-
tion of the United States ; had refused to admit
persons sentenced to imprisonment under the laws
of the United Spates into their jails ; and another
circumstance was alluded to but not explained,
which was said to exhibit a temper still more
hostile to the general government than either of

* During this discussion, the legislature of Pennsylvania
also passed resolutions condemnatory of the measure*
VOL. V. P p

290 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. those which had been stated. It was also objected
^ that the tax was unequal, and would be particularly
burdensome on those parts of the union which
afforded no substitute for ardent spirits.

When required to produce a system in lieu of
that which they so much execrated, the opponents
of the bill alternately mentioned an increased duty
on imported articles generally, a particular duty
on molasses, a direct tax, a tax on salaries, pen-
sions, and lawyers ; a duty on newspapers, and a
stamp act. By their respective advocates, these
were severally declared to be less exceptionable
than an excise on spirits.

By the friends of the bill it was contended, that
the reasons for believing the existing revenue
would be insufficient to meet the engagements of
the United States, were as satisfactor) as the
nature of the case would admit, or as ought to be
required. The estimates wrere founded on the
best data which were attainable, and the funds
already provided, had been calculated bv the
proper officer to pay the interest on that part of
the debt only for which they were pledged. Those
estimates were referred to as documents from
which it would be unsafe to depart. They were
also in possession of official statements showing
the productiveness of the taxes from the time the
revenue bill had been in operation ; and from
these were drawn arguments, demonstrating the
danger to which the infant credit of the United
States would be exposed by relying on the ex-
isting funds for the interest-on the assumed debt.
It was not probable that the proposed duties

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 291

would yield a sum much exceeding that which CHAP.IV.
would be necessary; but should they fortunately "1791.
do so, the surplus revenue might be advantageously
employed in extinguishing apart of the principal.
They were not, they said, of opinion, that a pub-
lic debt was a public blessing, or that it ought to
be perpetuated.

An augmentation of the revenue being indis-
pensable to the solidity of the public credit, a
more eligible system than that proposed in the
bill, could not, it was believed, be devised. Still
further to burden commerce, would be a hazar-
dous experiment which might afford no real sup-
plies to the treasury. Until some lights should
be derived from experience, it behoved the legis-
lature to be cautious not to lay such impositions
upon trade as might probably introduce a spirit
of smuggling, which, with a nominal increase,
would occasion a real diminution of revenue. In
the opinion of the best judges, the impost on the
mass of foreign merchandise could not safely be
carried further for the present. The extent of
the mercantile capital of the United States would
noi justify the attempt. Forcible arguments were
also drawn from the policy and the justice of
multiplying the subjects of taxation, and diver-
sifying them by a union of internal with external
objects.

Neither would a direct tax be advisable. The
experience of the world had provecj, that a tax on
consumption was less oppressive, and more pro-
ductive, than a tax on either property or income.
Without discussing the principles on which tht
p p 2

292 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, iv. fact was founded, the fact itself was incontestihle,
1791. that by insensible means much larger sums might
be drawn from any class of men, than could be
extracted from thrm by open and direct taxes.
To the latter system there were stil) other objec-
tions. The difficulty of carrying it into operation,
no census having yet been taken, would not be
inconsiderable ; and the expense of collection
through a country thinly settled, would be enor-
mous. Add to this, that public opinion was
believed to be more decidedly and unequivocally
opposed to it, than to a duty on ardent spirits.
North Carolina had expressed her hostiliry to the
one as well as to the other, and several other
states were known to disapprove of direct taxes.
From the real objections which existed against
them, and for other reasons suggested in the
report of the secretary, they ought, it was said, to
remain untouched, as a resource when some great
emergency should require an exertion of all the
faculties of the United States.

Against the substitution of a duty on internal
negotiations, it was said, that revenue to any
considerable extent could only be collected from
them by means of a stamp act, which was not
less obnoxious to popular resentment than an ex-
cise, would be less certainly productive than the
proposed duties, and was in every respect less
eligible.

The honour^, the justice, and the faith of the
United States were pledgtd, it was said, to that
class of creditors for whose claims the bill under
consideration was intended to provide. No means

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 293

of making the provision had been suggested, CHAP TV.
which, on examination, would be found equally
eligible with a duty on ardent spirits. Much of
the public prejudice which appeared in certain
parts of the United States against the measure,
was to be ascribed to their hostility to the term
" excise," a term which had been inaccurately
applied to the duty in question. When the law-
should be carried into operation, it would be
found not to possess those odious qualities which
had excited resentment against a system of excise.
In those states where the collection of a duty on
spirits distilled within the countn had become
familiar to the people, the same prejudices did
not exist. On the good sense and virtue of the
nation they could confidently rely for acquiescence
in a measure which the public exigencies rendered
necessary, which tended to equalize the public
burdens, and which in its execution would not
be oppressive.

A motion made by Mr. Jackson, to strike out
that section which imposed a duty on domestic
distilled spirits, was negatived by thirty-six to
sixteen ; and the bill was carried by thirty -rive
to twenty one.

Some days after the passage of this bill, another
question was brought forward, which was under-
stood to involve principles infinitely interesting
to the government.

The secretary of the treasury had been the
uniform advocate of a national bank. Believing
that such an institution would be "of primary
importance to the prosperous administration of

294 THE LIFE OF

cftAP- lv- the finances ; and of the greatest utility in the opera-
1791. tions connected with the support of public credit,"
he had earnestly recommended its adoption in the
first general system which he presented to the
view of congress ; and, at the present session, had
repeated that recommendation in a special report,
containing a copious and perspicuous argument
on the policy of the measure. A bill conforming
to the plan he suggested was sent down from the
senate, and was permitted to progress, unmolested,
in the house of representatives, to the third read-
on a national ing. On the final question, a great, and it would
seem an unexpected opposition was made to its
passage. Mr. Madison, Mr. Giles, Mr. Jackson
and Mr. Stone spoke against it. The general utility
of banking systems was not admitted, and the
particular bill before the house was censured on
its merits; but the great strength of the argument
was directed against the constitutional authority
of congress to pass an act for incorporating a
national bank.

The government of the United States, it was
said, was limited ; and the powers which it might
legitimately exercise were enumerated in the con-
stitution itself. In this enumeration, the power
now contended for was not to be found. Not being
expressly given, it must be implied from those
which were given, or it could not be vested in the
government. The clauses under which it could
be claimed were then reviewed and critically ex-
amined ; and it was contended that, on fair con-
struction, no one of these could be understood to

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 295

imply so important a power as that of creating a CHAP.IV.
corporation. 1791.

The clause which enables congress to pass all
laws necessary and proper to execute the specified
powers, must, according to the natural and ob-
vious force of the terms and the conttxt, be
limited to means necessary to the end and incident
to the nature of the specified powers. The clause
it was said, was in fact merely declaratory of what
would have resulted by unavoidable implication,
as the appropriate, and as it were technical means
of executing those powers. Some gentlemen ob-
served, that "the true exposition of a necessary
mean to produce a given end was that mean with-
out which the end could not be produced."

The bill was supported by Mr. Ames, Mr.
Sedgwick, Mr. Smith of S .uth Carolina, Mr.
Lawrence, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Gerry and Mr.
Vining.

The utility of banking institutions was said to
be demonstrated by their efft cts. In all com-
mercial countries they had been resorted to as an
instrument of great efficacy in mercantile trans-
actions ; and even in the United Srates, their pub-
lic and private advantages had been felt and ack-
nowledged.

Respecting the policy of the measure, no well
founded doubt could be entertained ; but the ob-
jections to the constitutional authority of congress
deserved to be seriously considered.

That the government was limited by the terms
of its creation was not controverted ; and that it
could exercise only those powers which were con-

962 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, iv. ferred on it by the constitution was admitted.
1791. If, on examination, that instrument should be
found to forbid the passage of the bill, it must be
rejected, though it would be with deep regret
that its friends would suffer such an opportunity
of serving their country to escape for the want of
a constitutional power to improve it.

In asserting the authority of the legislature to
pass the bill, gentlemen contended, that incidental
as well as express powers must necessarily belong
to every government ; and that, when a power is
delegated to effect particular objects, all the
known and usual means of effecting them must
pass as incidental to it. To remove all doubt on
this subject, the constitution of the United Spates
had recognized the principle, by enabling congress
to make all laws which may be necessary and pro-
per for carrying into execution the powers vested
in the government. They maintained the sound
construction of this grant to be a recognition of
an authority in the national legislature, to employ
all the known and usual means for executing the
powers vested in the government. They then
took a comprehensive view of those powers, and
contended that a bank was a known and usual
instrument by which several of them were ex-
ercised.

After a debate of great length, which was sup-
ported on both sides with ability, and with that ar-
dor which was naturally excited by the importance
attached bv each party to the principle in contest,
the question was put, and the bill was carried in
the affirmative by a majority of nineteen voices.

GEORGE WASHINGTON". 29?

The point which had been agitated with so CHAP. iv.
much zeal in the house of representatives, was i791.
examined not less deliberately by the executive.
The cabinet was divided upon it. The secretary The opinions
of state and the attorney general conceived that cabinet on

111 j i i • • theconstitu.

congress had clearly transcended their constitu- t[c!nality°t

» this last law.

tional powers ; while the secretary of the treasury,
with equal clearness, maintained the opposite
opinion. The advice of each minister, with his
reasoning in support of it, was required in writ-
ing, and their arguments were considered by the
president with all that attention which the magni-
tude of the question, and the interest taken in it
by the opposing parties, so eminently required.
This deliberate investigation of the subject termi-
nated in a conviction, that the constitution of the
United States authorized the measure,* and the
sanction of the executive was given to the act.

The judgment is so essentially influenced by the
wishes, the affections, and the general theories of
those by whom any political proposition is decided,
that a contrariety of opinion oji this great consti-
tutional question might well have been expected.
It must be recollected that the conflict between progress or

parties.

congressional and state authority originated with
the creation of those authorities. Even during the
war, the preponderance of the states was obvious;
and in a very few years after peace, the struggle
ended in the utter abasement of the general govern-
ment. Many causes concurred to produce a con-
stitution which was deemed more competent to

* See Mote, No. III. at the end of the Volume,

VOL. v.

298 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. the preservation of the union, but its adoption was
1791. opposed by great numbers ; and in some of the
large states especially, its enemies soon felt and
manifested their superiority. The old line of
division was still as strongly marked as ever.
Many retained the opinion that liberty could be
endangered only by encroachments upon the
states, and that it was the great duty of patriotism
to restrain the powers of the general government
within the narrowest possible limits.

In the other party, which was also respectable
for its numbers, many were found who had
watched the progress of American affairs, and
who sincerely believed that the real danger which
threatened the republic was to be looked for in the
undue ascendency of the states. To them it ap-
peared that the substantial powers, and the exten-
sive means of influence which were retained by
the local sovereignties, furnished them with
weapons for aggression which were not easily to
be resisted, and that it behoved all those who
were anxious for tjie happiness of their country,
to guard the equilibrium established in the consti-
tution, by preserving unimpaired, all the legiti-
mate powers of the union. These were more
confirmed in their sentiments by observing the
temper already discovered in the legislatures of
several states, respecting the proceedings of con-
gress.

To this great and radical division of opinion,
which would necessarily affect every question on
the authority of the national legislature, were added
other motives which were believed to possess

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 299

considerable influence on all measures connected CHAP. iv.

with the finances. 179U

As an inevitable effect of the state- of society,
the public debt had greatly accumulated in the
middle and northern states, whose inhabitants had
derived from its rapid appreciation, a proportional
augmentation of their wealth. This circumstance
could not fail to contribute to the complacency
with which the plans of the secretary were viewed
by those who had felt their benefit, nor to the
irritation uith which they were contemplated by
others who had parted with their claims on the
nation. It is not impossible, that personal con-
siderations also mingled themselves with those
which were merely political.

With so many causes to bias the judgment, it
would not have been wonderful if arguments less
plausible than those advanced by either party, had
been deemed conclusive on its adversary ; nor was
it matter of surprise that each should have denied
to those which were urged in opposition, the
weight to which they were certainly entitled. The
liberal mind which can review them without pre-
judice, will charge neither the advocates nor the
opponents of the bill with insincerity, nor with
being knowingly actuated by motives which might
not have been avowed.

This measure made a deep impression on many
members of the legislature, and contributed not
inconsiderably to the complete organization of
those distinct and visible parties, which in their
long and dubious conflict for power, have since
shaken the United States to their centre.

THE LIFE OF

Among the last measuresof the present congress
was an act to augment the military establishment
of the United States.

The earnest endeavours of the president to srive

Indians,

security to the north western frontiers, by pacific
arrangements, having been entirely unavailing, it
became his duty to employ such other means as
were placed in his hands for the protection of the
country. That vigorous offensive operations alone
could bring an Indian war to a happy conclusion,
was an opinion which all his experience confirmed ;
and an expedition against the hostile tribes,
north west of the Ohio, was planned as soon as
the impracticability of effecting a treaty with them
had been ascertained.

The object of the expedition was to bring the
Indians if possible to an engagement, but in any
event to destroy their settlements on the waters of
the Scioto and Wabash. Its more minute details
seem to have been arranged by the commanding
officer. The main body of the army was to march
against the towns on the Scioto, after destroying
which, it was to effect a junction with major
Hamtranck, who was to make a diversion up the
Wabash from fort Knox at Vincennes ; and it was
then intended, with their combined forces,' to des-
troy the villages on the head waters of that river.

At the head of the federal troops was general
Harmer, a veteran whose services during the
war of the revolution gave him claims to the pub-
lic attention, and who had received his appoint-
ment under the former government. On the 30th
of September he marched from fort Washing-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 301

ton with three hundred and twenty regulars, and CHAP.IV.
effected a junction with the militia of Pennsylvania 1791.
and Kentucky who had advanced about twenty five
miles in front. The whole army amounted to one
thousand, four hundred and fifty three men. About
the middle of October, colonel Harden, who com-
manded the Kentucky militia, and who had been
also a continental officer of considerable merit,
was detached at the head of six hundred men,
chiefly militia, to reconnoitre the ground, and to
ascertain the intentions of the enemy. On his
approach, the Indians set fire to their principal
village, and fled with precipitation to the woods.
As the object of the expedition would be only half
accomplished, unless the savages could be brought
to action, and defeated, colonel Harden was again
detached at the head of two hundred and ten men,
thirty of whom were regulars. About ten miles
west of Chilicothe, where the main body of the
army lay, he was attacked by a small party of
Indians. The Pennsylvanians who composed his
left column, had previously fallen in the rear ;
and the Kentuckians, disregarding the exertions
of their colonel, and of a few other officers, fled
on the first appearance of an enemy.* The hand-

* Capt. Scott, a gallant young man, the son of general
Scott, fell in the first fire. The following is an extract from
the orders of general Harmer, published the day after this
skirmish. " The cause of the detachment being worsted yes-
terday, was entirely owing to the shameful, cowardly conduct
of the militia, who ran away and threw down their arms,
without firing scarcely a single gun."

302 ™E LIFE OF

CHAP. iv. ful: of regulars commanded by lieutenant Arm-
1791. strong, thus left to their fate, made a brave resis-
tance. After twenty three of them had fallen in
the field, the surviving seven made their escape
and rejoined the army.

Notwithstanding this check, the remaining
towns on the Scioto were reduced to ashes, and
the provisions laid up for the winter were entirely
destroyed. This service being accomplished, and
the loss of horses having induced an abandonment
of that part of the original plan which was to have
been executed on the Wabash, the army decamped
in order to return to fort Washington. Being
desirous of wiping off, in another action, the dis-
grace which his arms had sustained, general

»efeatof Harmer halted about eight miles from Chilicothe,
and late in the night, once more detached colonel
Harden with orders to find the enemy and bring
on an engagement. His command consisted of
three hundred and sixty men, of whom sixty were
regulars commanded by major Wyllys. Early
the next morning, this detachment reached the
confluence of the St. Joseph and St. Mary, where
it was divided into three columns. The left divi-
sion, which was commanded by colonel Harden
in person, crossed the St. Joseph, and proceeded
up its western bank. The centre consisting of
the federal troops, was led by major Wyllys up
the eastern side of that river; and the right under
the command of major M'Millan marched along
a range of heights which commanded the right
flank of the centre division. The columns had
proceeded but a short distance, when each was

Har mar.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3Q3

met by a considerable body of Indians, and a CHAP. iv.
severe engagement ensued. The militia retrieved
their reputation. In his official letter, the general
spoke in high terms of the courage they exhibited.
Several of the bravest officers fell ; and of the sur-
vivors, colonel Harden, major M'Millan, major
Hall, and captain Gaines were particularly men-
tioned. Yet some circumstances are detailed
which would induce an opinion, that the praise
bestowed on this part of the detachment, as is too
frequently the case with irregulars, was rather
merited by the exertions of a part, than by the
uniform conduct of the whole. Major Fontaine,
a gallant young gentleman, who acted as aid to
the general, commanded on that day a corps of
militia cavalry. He fell, making a charge on the
enemy in which he was totally unsupported.
There seems some difficulty too in accounting for
the fact, that early in the action, the heights on
the right of the centre column were unoccupied.
After amusing the regulars for some time with
the semblance of fighting in front, those heights
were seized by the savages, who attacked the
right flank of the centre with great fury. Although
major Wyllys was among the first who fell, the
battle was kept up with spirit, and considerable
execution was done on both sides. At length,
the scanty remnant of this small band, quite
overpowered by numbers, was driven off the
ground, leaving fifty of their comrades exclusive
of major Wyllys and lieutenant Farthingham, two
valuable officers, dead upon the field. The loss
sustained by the militia was also considerable.

304 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. tv. It amounted to upwards of one hundred men
1791. among whom were nine officers. After an engage-
ment of extreme severity, the detachment rejoined
the main army.

In his orders, and in his official letter, general
Harmer, with what propriety it is not easy to
discern, claimed the victory. He conceived, not
entirely without reason, that a battle in which the
Indians might lose a considerable number of men,
would be fatal to them, although a still greater
loss should be sustained by the Americans, be-
cause the savages did not possess a population
from which they could replace the warriors who
had fallen. The event, however, did not justify
this opinion.

Having been censured by many, he requested
a court martial, which, on a full examination of
his conduct, acquitted him with honour.

After this action, the troops returned to fort
Washington. That they were not harassed on
their march, was stated by the general as conclu-
sive testimony of the severe loss which the enemy
had sustained.

The information respecting this expedition was
quickly followed by intelligence stating the deplo-
rable condition of the frontiers. An address
from the representatives of all the counties of
Kentucky, and those of Virginia bordering on
the Ohio, was presented to the president, praying
that the defence of the country might be com-
mitted to militia unmixed with regulars, and that
they might immediately be drawn out to oppose
the exulting foe. To this address, the president

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3Q5

gave a conciliatory answer, but he understood too CHAP. iv.
well the nature of the service to yield to this ^gTT
application. Such were his communications to
the legislature, that a regiment was added to the
permanent military establishment, and he was
authorized to cause a body of two thousand men,
under the denomination of levies, to be raised for
six months, and to appoint a major general, and
a brigadier general, to continue in command so
long as he should think their services necessary.

With the third of March 1791, terminated the Ad]0}inmfA
first congress elected under the constitution of the°
United States. The party denominated federal
having prevailed at the elections, a majority of
the members were stedfast friends of the constitu-
tion, and were sincerely desirous of supporting a
system they had themselves introduced, and on
the preservation of which in full health and
vigour, they firmly believed the happiness of
their fellow citizens, and the respectability of the
nation, greatly depended. To organize a govern-
ment, to retrieve the national character, to estab-
lish a system of revenue, and to create public
credit, were among the exalted and arduous
duties which were imposed upon them by the
political situation of their country. With per-
severing labour guided by no inconsiderable por-
tion of virtue and intelligence, were these objects
in a great degree accomplished. Out of the
measures proposed for their attainment, questions
alike intricate and interesting unavoidably arose.
It is not in the nature of man to discuss such
questions without strongly agitating the passions,

VOL. v. R r

306 THE LIF£ OF

CHAP. iv. and exciting irritations which do not readily
1791. subside. Had it even been the happy and singular
lot of America to see its national legislature
assemble uninfluenced by those prejudices which
grew out of the previous divisions of the country,
yet the many delicate points which they were
under the necessity of deciding, could not have
failed to disturb this enviable state of harmony,
and to mingle some share of party spirit with
their deliberations. But when the actual state
of the public mind was contemplated, and due
weight was given to the important consideration
that, at no very distant day, a successor to the
present chief magistrate must be elected, it was
still less to be hoped that the first congress could
pass away without producing strong and perma-
nent dispositions in parties to impute to each
other designs unfriendly to the public happiness.
As yet however, these imputations did not extend
to the president. By all, his character was held
sacred, and the purity of his motives admitted;
nor did his influence appear to be impaired.
Some divisions were understood to have found
their way into the cabinet. It was insinuated that
between the secretary of state and the gentleman
who was at the head of the treasury, very serious
differences had arisen ; but those high personages
were believed to be equally attached to the presi-
dent, who was not suspected of undue partiality
to either of them. If his assent to the bill for
incorporating the national bank produced discon-
tent, the opponents of that measure seemed dis-
posed to ascribe his conduct in that instance to

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

his judgment, rather than to any prepossession in CHAP.IV.
favour of the party by whom it was carried. The
opposition, therefore, in congress, to the measures
of the government, seemed to be levelled at the
secretary of the treasury, and at the northern
members by whom those measures were generally
supported, not at the president by whom they
were approved. By taking this direction, it made
its way into the public mind without being
encountered by that devoted affection which a
great majority of the people felt for the chief
magistrate of the union. In the mean time, the
national prosperity was in a state of rapid progres-
sion ; and the government was gaining, though
slowly, in the public opinion. But in several of
the state assemblies, especially in the southern
division of the continent, serious evidences of dis-
satisfaction were exhibited, which demonstrated
the jealousy with which the local sovereignties
contemplated the powers exercised by the federal
legislature.

3Q8 THE LIFE OF

CHAPTER. V.

General St. Clair appointed commander in chief of the army
.. .The president makes a tour through the southern states
....Meeting of congress.. ..President's speech.. ..Debate on
the bill " for apportioning representatives among the
people of the states according to the first enumeration"....
Militia law. ...Defeat of St. Clair.. ..Opposition to the
increase of the army.. ..Report of the secretary of the
treasury for raising additional supplies.. ..Congress ad-
journs....Strictures on the conduct of administration, with
a view of parties.. ..Disagreement between the secretaries
of state and treasury.. .Letters from G. Washington on
this subject. ...Opposition to the excise law.. ..President's
proclamation ...Insurrection and massacre in the island of
St. Domingo. ...General Wayne appointed to the com-
mand of the army.. ..Meeting of congress. ...President's
speech.. ..Resolutions implicating the secretary of the
treasury, rejected. ...Congress adjourns. ...Progress of the
French revolution, and its effects on parties in the United
States.

MORE ample means for the protection of the
frontiers having been placed by congress in the
hands of the executive, the immediate attention
of the president was directed to this interesting
object. The act received his assent on the last
clay of the session, and the attendance of the
senate, on the succeeding day, was requested for
the purpose of obtaining their sanction to various
appointments, but more especially committing to
their consideration his nominations to military

General St. J

Clai1; offices.

appointed

the army.

Major general Arthur St. Clair, governor of
the territory northwest of the Ohio, was appointed

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3Q9

commander in chief of the forces to be employed CHAP.V.
in the meditated expedition. This gentleman had 1791.
served through the war of the revolution with
reputation, though it had never been his fortune
to distinguish himself. The evacuation of Ty-
conderoga in 1777 had indeed, atone time, drawn
on his military character a large share of public
censure, but it was found upon inquiry to be
unmerited. Possessing a sound and cultivated
understanding, with unimpeached integrity, he
had throughout the war preserved the friendship
and good opinion of his general. Other motives,
in addition to the persuasion of his fitness for the
service, conduced to his appointment. With the
sword, the olive branch was still to be tendered ;
and it was thought advisable to place them in the
same hands. The governor, having been made
officially the negotiator with the tribes inhabiting
the territories over which he presided, being a
military man acquainted with the country into
which the war was to be carried, possessing con-
siderable influence with the inhabitants of the
frontiers, and whose situation was believed to
enable him advantageously to superintend the
preparations for the expedition, seemed to have
claims to the station which were not easily to be
overlooked. It was also a consideration of no
small importance, that the high rank he had held
in the American army, would obviate those diffi-
culties in filling the inferior grades with men of
experience, which might certainly be expected
should a person who had acted in a less elevated
station be selected for the chief command.

510 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. v. After making the necessary arrangements for
1791. recruiting the army, and establishing a council
for conducting the ordinary executive business,
which was to consist of the three secretaries, the
3^etj^:sa president prepared to make his long contemplated
thTsoK1 tour through the southern states.* In passing
through them, he was received universally with
the same marks of affectionate attachment, which
he had experienced in the northern and central
parts of the union. The addresses presented to him
from all classes of his fellow citizens, exhibit a
glow of expression which is the genuine offspring
of ardent feeling, and evince that the attachment
to his person and character which they professed,
was undissembled. To the sensibilities which
these demonstrations of the regard and esteem of
good men could not fail to inspire, was added
the high gratification produced by observing the
rapid improvements of the country, and the
advances made by the government, in acquiring
the confidence of the people. The numerous
letters written by the president after his return
. to Philadelphia attest the agreeable impressions
made by these causes. '* In my late tour through
the southern states" said he in a letter of the 28th of
July, to Mr. Gouverneur Morris, "I experienced
great satisfaction in seeing the good effects of the
general government in that part of the union.

* He stopped several days on the Potomac, where he
executed finally the powers vested in him by the legislature
for fixing on a place which should become the residence of
congress, and the metropolis of the United States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

The people at large have felt the security which it CHAP.V
gives, and the equal justice which it administers I79i.
to them. The farmer, the merchant, and the
mechanic, have seen their several interests at-
tended to, and from thence they unite in placing
a confidence in their representatives, as well as
in those in whose hands the execution of the laws
is placed. Industry has there taken place of
idleness, and economy of dissipation. Two or
three years of good crops, and a ready market for
the produce of their lands, have put every one in
good humour; and, in some instances, they even
impute to the government what is due only to the
goodness of Providence.

" The establishment of public credit is an
immense point gained in our national concerns.
This I believe exceeds the expectation of the
most sanguine among us:. ..and a late instance,
unparallelled in this country, has been given of
the confidence reposed in our measures, by the
rapidity with which the subscriptions to the bank
of the United States were filled. In two hours
after the books were opened by the commissioners,
the whole number of shares was taken up, and
four thousand more applied for than were allowed
by the institution. This circumstance was not
only pleasing as it related to the confidence in
government, but also as it exhibited an unexpected
proof of the resources of our citizens."

In a letter written about the same time to
colonel Humphries, then the minister resident at
Lisbon, he said u each day's experience of the
government of the United States serves to confirm

31,2 THE LIFE OF

CHAP- v- its establishment, and to render it more popular.
1791. A ready acquiescence in the laws made under it,
shows in a strong light the confidence which the
people have in their representatives, and in the
upright views of those who administer the govern-
ment. At the time of passing a law imposing a
duty on home made spirits, it was vehemently
affirmed by many, that such a law could never
be executed, particularly in Virginia and North
Carolina. As it came in force only on the first
of this month, little can be said of its effects from
experience; but from the best information I could
get, on my journey, respecting its operation on
the minds of the people, (and I took some pains
to obtain information on this point) there remains
no doubt but it will be carried into effect", not
only without opposition, but with very general
approbation, in those very parts where it was
foretold that it would never be submitted to by
any one."

This visit made by the president to the southern
states had undoubtedly some tendency to produce
the good disposition he observed with so much
pleasure. The affections are perhaps more inti-
mately connected with the judgment than we are
disposed to admit, and the appearance of the chief
magistrate of the union, who was the object of
general love and reverence, could not be without
its influence in conciliating the minds of many to
the government he administered, and to its mea-
sures. But this progress towards conciliation
was perhaps less considerable than was indicated
by appearances. The hostility to the government

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3^

which was coeval with its existence, though CHAP. v.
diminished, was far from being subdued ; and 1791.
under this smooth exterior was concealed a mass
of discontent, which, though it did not obtrude
itself on the view of the man who united almost
all hearts, was active in its exertions to effect its
objects.

The difficulties which must impede the recruit-
ing service in a country where coercion is not
employed, and where the common wages of labour
greatly exceed the pay of a soldier, protracted the
completion 0f the regiments to a late season of
the year ; but the summer was not permitted to
waste in total inaction.

The act passed at the last session for the defence
of the frontiers, in addition to its other provisions,
had given to the president an unlimited power to
call mounted militia into the field ; who should
furnish their own horses, rations, and forage, and
should be entitled to receive a high compensation
while in service. Under this authority two ex-
peditions had been conducted against the villages
on the Wabash, in which with a very small loss,
a few of the Indian warriors were killed, some of
their old men, women and children, were made
prisoners, and several of their towns, with exten-
sive fields of corn, were destroyed. The first was
led by general Scott in May, and the second by
general Wilkinson in September. These desultory
incursions had not much influence on the war.
By the time the troops could reach the theatre of
action, so many of their horses were disabled,
and such a proportion of their provisions ex-

VOL. v. s s

314 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, v. hausted, that the impatience of the militia to return
1791. to their homes was indulged, perhaps unavoidably,
before the service which had. been meditated
could be completely executed. On both occa-
sions,- when hostile operations were terminated,
the generals left a talk for the head men of the
nation, in which the pacific overtures which had
been so often made were repeated, but without
effect.

It was believed in the United States, that the
hostility of the Indians was kept up by the traders
living in their villages. These perapns, having
generally resided in America, had been compelled
to leave the country in consequence of the part
they had taken during the war of the revolution,
and they felt, in a high degree, the resentments
which banishment and confiscation seldom fail to
inspire. Their enmities were ascribed by many,
perhaps unjustly, to the temper of the government
in Canada ; but some countenance seemed to be
given to this opinion by intelligence, the authen-
ticity of which was not doubted, that about the
commencement of the preceding campaign, large
supplies of ammunition had been delivered from
the British posts on the lakes, to the Indians at
war with the United States. To colonel Beckwith,
who still remained in Philadelphia as the informal
representative of his nation, the president caused
this fact, with his sentiments respecting it, to be
communicated. "As the United States had no
other view in prosecuting the war in which they
were engaged than to procure peace and safety
to the inhabitants of their frontiers, they were

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3 15

equally surprised," he said, " and disappointed, CHAP.V.
at such an interference by the servants or subjects 1791.
of a foreign state, as seemed intended to protract
the attainment of so just and reasonable an
object."

These instructions were given to the secretary
of state after the president had commenced his
southern tour. On communicating them to the
other secretaries, he was informed by colonel
Hamilton, that, in a conversation on that subject,
colonel Beckwith had given the most explicit
assurances that only the usual annual presents, at
the usual time, had been made. It was however
thought advisable t© state to him the information
which the American government had received,
and to observe that though an annual present of
arms and ammunition might be an innocent act
in time of peace^ it was not so in time of war.
That it was contrary to the laws of neutrality for
a neutral to furnish military implements to either
power at war ; and that, if their subjects should
do it on private account, such furnitures might be
seized as contraband. These representations were
made to colonel Beckwith, as the sentiments of
the government, but not as being directed by
authority. He expressed his disbelief that the
supplies mentioned had been delivered; but on
being assured of the fact, he avowed the opinion
that the transaction was without the knowledge
of lord Dorchester, to whom he said he should
communicate, without delay, the ideas of the
American government on the subject,
s s 2

316 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. v. On the 24th of October, the second congress

179 1 assembled in Philadelphia. In his speech at the

Meeting of opening of the session, the president expressed

congress. . . . _ . . . .

his great satisfaction at the prosperous situation
of the country, and particularly mentioned the
rapidity with which -the shares in the bank of the
President United States were subscribed, as " among the
striking and pleasing evidences which presented
themselves, not only of confidence in the govern-
ment, but of resources in the community."

Adverting to the measures which had been
taken in execution of the laws and resolutions of
the last session, " the most important of which,"
he observed, "respected the defence and security
of the western frontiers," he had, he said, " nego-
tiated provisional treaties, and used other proper
means to attach the wavering, and to confirm in
their friendship the vvtll disposed tribes of Indians.
The means which he had adopted for a pacification
with those of a hostile description having proved
unsuccessful, offensive operations had been di-
rected, some of which had proved completely
successful, and others were still depending. Over-
tures of peace were still continued to the deluded
tribes ; and it was sincerely to be desired that all
need of coercion might cease, and that an intimate
intercourse might succeed, calculated to advance
the happiness of the Indians, and to attach them,
firmly to the United States."

In marking the line of conduct which ought to
be maintained for the promotion of this object, he
strongly recommended ''justice to the savages,
and such rational experiments for imparting to

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 317

them the blessings of civilization, as might from CHAP. v.
time to time suit their condition ; and then con-
eluded this subject with saying...." A system
corresponding with the mild principles of religion
and philanthropy towards an unenlightened race
of men whose happiness materially depends on
the conduct of the United States, would be as
honourable to the national character, as conform-
able to the dictates of sound policy."

After stating that measures had been taken for
carrying into execution the act laying duties on
distilled spirits, he added...'* The impressions with
which this law has been received by the commu-
nity have been, upon the whole, such as were to
have been expected among enlightened and well
disposed citizens, from the propriety and neces-
sity of the measure. The novelty however of the
tax, in a considerable part of the United States,
and a misconception of some of its provisions, have
given occasion, in particular places, to some de-
gree of discontent. But it is satisfactory to know
that this disposition yields to proper explanations,
and more just apprehensions of the true nature of
the Jaw. And I entertain a full confidence that it
will, in all, give way to motives which arise out
of a just sense of duty, and a virtuous regard to
the public welfare.

* If there are any circumstances in the law,
which, consistently with its main design may be so
varied as to remove any well intentioned objections
that may happen to exist, it will comport with a
wise moderation to make the proper variations. It
is desirable on all occasions, to unite with a steady

318 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, y. and firm adherence to constitutional and neces-
1791. sary acts of government, the fullest evidence of a
disposition, as far as may be practicable, to consult
the wishes of every part of the community, and
to lay the foundations of the public administration
in the affections of the people."

Addressing himself particularly to the house of
representatives, he expressed the pleasure he felt
at being " able to announce to them that the rev-
enues which had been established promised to be
adequate to their objects ; and might be permitted,
should no unforeseen exigency occur, to supersede
for the present, the necessity of any new burdens
upon their constituents."

The answers of the two houses noticed briefly
and generally the various topics of the speech,
and though perhaps less warm than those of the
preceding congress, manifested great respect for
the executive magistrate, and an undiminished
confidence in his patriotic exertions to promote
the public interests.
Debate on Amonsr the first subjects of importance which

the bill "for . J

apperdoning engaged the attention of the legislature, was a

represents- o o

thTpVo^iTof bill " for apportioning representatives among the
according to people of the several states according to the first

the first . mil--

r"nunm»ra" enumeration." To the discretionary power of
congress over the numbers of which the house of
representatives might consist, the constitution in
its original form, had affixed no other limits than
that there should not be more than one member
for every thirty thousand persons ; but that each
state should be entitled to at least one. Indepen-
dent of the general considerations in favour of a

tion.'

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 319

more or less numerous representation in the pop- GHAP.V.
ular branch of the legislature, there was one of a
local nature, whose operation, though secret, was
extensive, which gave to this question a peculiar
interest. To whatever number of persons a re-
presentative might be allotted, there would still
remain a fraction, which would be greater or less
in each state according to the ratio which con-
gress should adopt between representation and
population. The relative power of states in one
branch of the legislature would consequently be
affected by this ratio ; and to questions of that
description few members can permit themselves
to be inattentive.

This bill as originally introduced into the house
of representatives, gave to each state one member
for every thirty thousand persons. On a motion
to strike out the number thirty thousand, the de-
bate turned chiefly on the policy and advantage
of a more or less numerous house of representa-
tives ; but with the general arguments suggested
by the subject, were interspersed strong and
pointed allusions to the measures of the preceding
congress, which indicated much more serious
hostility to the administration than had hitherto
been expressed. Speaking of the corruption
which he supposed to exist in the British house of
commons, Mr. Giles said that causes essentially
different from their numbers had produced this
effect. ** Among these were the frequent mort-
gages of the funds, and the immense appropriations
at the disposal of the executive. '*

320 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, v^ " An inequality of circumstances" he observed,
1791. " produces revolutions in governments* from de-
mocracy to aristocracy and monarchy. Great
wealth produces a desire of distinctions, rank, and
titles. The revolutions of property in this country
have created a prodigious inequality of circum.
stances. Government has contributed to this
inequality. The bank of the United States is a
most important machine in promoting the objects
of this monied interest. This bank will be the
most powerful engine to corrupt this house. Some
of. the members are directors of this institution ;
and it will only be by increasing the representation
that an adequate barrier can be opposed to this
monied interest." He next adverted to certain
ideas which, he said, had been disseminated
through the United States. " The legislature," he
took occasion to observe, " ought to express some
disapprobation of these opinions. The strong ex-
ecutive of this government," he added, " ought
to be balanced by a full representation in this
house."

Similar sentiments were advanced by Mr.
Findley.

After a long and animated discussion, the
amendment was lost ; as were also other amend-
ments which were severally proposed, for insert-
ing between the words " thirty," and " thousand,"
the words five, four, and three ; and the bill passed
in its original form.

In the senate, it was amended by changing the
ratio so as to give one representative for every
thirty three thousand persons in each state ; but
this amendment was disagreed to by the Jiouse of

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 321

representatives ; and each house adhering to its CHAP. v.
opinion, the bill fell. 1791.

The argument which operated in the senate is
understood to have been, the great amount, and
the inequality of unrepresented fractions, which
were the result of the ratio originally proposed ;
a circumstance which pressed with peculiar weight
on the small states, \vhere the fraction could not
be distributed among several members.

A bill was again introduced into the house of
representatives under a different title and in a new
form, but without any change in its substantial
provisions. After a debate in which the inequality
and injustice the fractions produced by the ratio it
adopted was strongly insisted on, it passed that
house. In the senate, it was again amended, not
by reducing, but by enlarging the number of re-
presentatives.

The constitution of the United States declares
that " representatives and direct taxes shall be ap-
portioned among the several states which may be
included within this union according to their res-
pective numbers ;" and that " the number of rep-
resentatives shall not exceed one for every thirty
thousand, but each state shall have at least one
representative." Construing the constitution to
authorize a process by which the whole number of
representatives should be ascertained on the whole
population of the United States, and afterwards
" apportioned among the several states according
to their respective numbers," the senate applied
the number thirty thousand as a divisor to the total
population, and taking the quotient which was

VOL. v. T t

322 THE LIFE O1?

CHAP.V. one hundred and twenty, as the number of rcpre-
1791. sentatives given by the ratio which had been
adopted in the house where the bill had originated,
they apportioned that number among the several
states by that ratio, until as many representatives
as it would give were allotted to each. The resi-
duary members were then distributed among the
states having the highest fractions. Without pro-
fessing the principle on which this apportionment
was made, the amendment of the senate merely
allotted to the states respectively, the number of
members which the process just mentioned would
give. The result was a more equitable appor-
tionment of representatives to population, and a
still more exact accordance, than was found in the
original bill, with the prevailing sentiment, which,
both within and without doors, seemed to require
that the popular branch of the legislature should
consist of as many members as the fundamental
laws of the government would admit. If the
rule of construing that instrument was correct, the
amendment removed objections which were cer-
tainly well founded, and was not easily assailable
by the advocates for a numerous representative
body. But the rule was novel, and overturned
opinions which had been generally assumed, and
were supposed to be settled. In one branch of
the legislature it had already been rejected ; and
in the other, the majority in its favour was only
one.

In the house of representatives, the amendment
was supported with considerable ingenuity.

After an earnest debate, however, it was disa-
greed to, and a conference took place without

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 323

producing an accommodation among the members CHAP, v-
composing the committee. But finally, the house 179l.
of representatives receded from their disagree-
ment ; and, by a majority of two voices, the bill
passed as amended in the senate.

On the president now devolved, once more, the
solemn duty of deciding, by affixing or refusing
his signature, whether an act of the legislature
consisted with the constitution. If constitutional,
it was unexceptionable ; and of consequence his
assent to it depended entirely on that question.

In his cabinet also, a difference of opinion is un-
derstood to have existed : the secretary of state
and the attorney general being of opinion that the
act was at variance with the constitution ; the
secretary at war rather undecided ; and the secre-
tary of the treasury thinking that from the vague-
ness of expression in the clause relating to the
subject, neither construction could be absolutely
rejected; and that therefore it would be proper to
accede to the interpretation given by the legisla-
ture.

After weighing the arguments which were urged
on each side of the question, the president was
confirmed in the opinion that the population of
each state, and not the total population of the
United States, must give the numbers to which
alone could be applied the process by which the
number of representatives was to be ascertained.
Having formed this opinion, to a correct and
independent mind the course to be pursued was a
plain one. Duty required the exercise of a power
which a president of the United States will always

T t 2

324 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. v. find much difficulty in employing; and he returned
1791. the bill to the house in which it originated, accom-
panied with his objections* to it. In observance
of the forms prescribed in the constitution, the
question was then taken on its passage by ayes
and noes, and it was rejected. A third bill was
soon afterwards brought in which received the
assent of both houses, and which apportioned the
representatives on the several states at a ratio of
one for every thirty three thousand persons in
each state. Thus was this interesting part of the
American constitution finally settled.

Miiitiaiaw. During this session of congress, an act passed
for establishing a uniform militia.

* The following is the message which was delivered on
this occasion.

Gentlemen of the house of representatives..*

I have maturely considered the act passed by the two
houses, entitled " an act for the apportionment of representa-
tives among the several states according to the first enume-
ration" and I return it to your house, wherein it originated,
with the following objections.

First. The constitution has prescribed that representatives
shall be apportioned among the several states according to
their respective numbers, and there is no proportion or divi-
sor which, applied to the respective numbers of the states,
will yield the number and allotment of representatives pro-
posed by the bill.

Secondly. The constitution has also provided, that the
number of representatives shall not exceed one for thirty
thousand, which restriction is by the context, and by fair and
obvious construction, to be applied to the separate and res-
pective numbers of the states, and the bill has allotted to
eight of the states more than one for thirty thousand.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 325

Impressed alike from reason, from observation, CHAP. v.
and from feeling, with the necessity imposed 1791.
upon a nation as powerful as the United States,
to provide adequate means for its own security :
convinced that in America the objections to a
military establishment which might serve even as
the germ of an army were insurmountable ; and
that the militia, without great improvements to
the existing systems, must be found in time of
danger, a very inadequate resource ; the president
had manifested from the commencement of his
administration a peculiar degree of solicitude on
this subject. In a message to congress on Indian
affairs as early as August 1789, he subjoined the
following recommendation. " Along with this
object I am induced to suggest another, with the
national importance and necessity of which I am
deeply impressed. I mean some uniform and
effective system for the militia of the United
States. It is unnecessary to offer arguments in
recommendation of a measure on which the
honour, safety, and well being of our country, so
evidently and essentially depend. But it may not
be amiss to observe, that I am particularly anxious
it should receive as early attention as circum-
stances would admit, because it is now in our
power to avail ourselves of the military knowledge
disseminated throughout the several states by
means of the many well instructed officers and
soldiers of the late army, a resource which is
daily diminishing by deaths and other causes.
To suffer this peculiar advantage to pass away
unimproved, would be to neglect an opportunity

326 TH£ L1FE OF

CHAP. v. which will never again occur, unless, unfortunately,
I79r. we should be again involved in a long and arduous
war."

At the succeeding session of congress, not only
was this recommendation repeated, but a plan
which had been digested during the recess, was
transmitted to both houses in the form of a report
from the secretary of war, "that they might make
such use thereof as they might think proper."
A bill conforming to this plan in many of its
essential principles was introduced into the house
of representatives at an early stage of the session,
but the subject was found lobe involved in much
greater difficulties than had been apprehended.
To reconcile the public interest with private con-
venience was a task not easily to be performed.
Those provisions which were required to render
the bill competent to the great purposes of national
defence, involved a sacrifice of time and money,
which the representatives of the people were
unwilling to exact from their constituents, and
the propriety of demanding which was the more
questionable, as the burden would be imposed
not so much on property, as on persons. The
different ideas entertained on this subject in dif-
ferent parts of the union, and the difficulty of
drawing the precise line between continental and
state authority, created additional obstacles to the
progress of the measure ; and the first congress
passed away without being able to devise any
system in which a majority could concur.

In his speech at the opening of the present ses-
sion, the president again called the attention of

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 327

the legislature to this important subject; and at CHAP. v.
length, a law was enacted which is far less effica- 1791.
eious than the plan reported by the secretary of
war, but which will probably not soon be carried
into complete execution. In fact, it may well be
doubted whether the attempt to do more than to
organize and arm the militia of a country under
the circumstances of the United States, can ever
be successful. Those habits of subordination
and of implicit obedience which are believed to
constitute the most valuable part of discipline ; and
the art of moving in an unbroken body, are per-
haps to be acquired only in camp ; and experience
has not yet rendered it certain that arrangements
which aim at an object by means unequal to its
attainment, will yield a good proportioned to the
burden they impose.

In December, intelligence was received by Defeat of a.,

» Clair.

the president, and immediately communicated to
congress, that the American army had been totally
defeated on the fourth of the preceding month.

Although the most prompt and judicious mea-
sures had been taken to raise the troops, and to
march them to the frontiers, yet they could not
be assembled in the neighbourhood of fort Wash,
ington until the month of September, nor was the
establishment even then completed. The lateness
of the season when congress authorized this aug-
mentation of force, the slowness with which the
recruiting business progresses in America, the
distance to the scene of action, the low state of
the water in the Ohio, and it was alleged an un-

328 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. v. pardonable negligence in the quarter master and
1791. commissary departments, occasioned this delay.

The immediate objects of the expedition were,
to destroy completely, the Indian villages on the
Miamis, to expel the savages from that country,
and to connect it with the Ohio by a chain of
posts which would prevent their return during
the war.

On the seventh of September, the regulars
moved from their camp in the vicinity of fort
Washington, and marching directly north, towards
the object of their destination, established two
intermediate posts* at the distance of rather more
than forty miles from each other, as places of de-
posit, and of security either for convoys of provi-
sion which might follow the army, or for the
army itself should any disaster befal it. The last
of these works, fort Jefferson, was not completed
until the 24th of October, before which time re-
enforcements were received of about three hundred
and sixty militia. After the necessary garrisons
had been placed in the forts, the effective number
of the army including militia, amounted to some-
what less than two thousand men. With this
force, the general continued his march, which
was rendered both slow and laborious by the ne-
cessity of opening a road. Small parties of Indians
were frequently seen hovering about them, and
some unimportant skirmishes took place. As the
army approached the country in which they might
expect to meet an enemy, about sixty of the militia

* Forts Hamilton and Jefferson.

GEOEQE WASHINGTON1. 329

deserted in a body. This diminution of force was CHAP.V.
not in itself, perhaps, an object of much concern.
But there was reason to fear that the example,
should those who set it be permitted to escape
with impunity, would be extensively followed;
and it was reported to be the intention qf the
deserters to plunder convoys of provisions which
were advancing at some distance in the rear. To
prevent mischiefs of so serious a nature, the gen-
eral detached major Hamtranck with the first regi-
ment in pursuit of the deserters, and directed him.
to secure the provisions under a strong guard.
The army, consisting of about fourteen hundred
effective rank and file, continued jts march, and,
on the third of November, encamped on a com-
manding piece of ground, about fifteen miles south
of the Miamis villages. The right wing under
the command of general Butler formed the first
line, and lay with a creek about twelve yards,
wide immediately in its front. The left wing
commanded by lieutenant colonel Darke, formed
the second ; and between die two lines, was an
interval of about seventy yards.* The right flank
was supposed to be secured by the creek, by a
steep bank, and by a small body of troops ; the
left was covered by a party of cavalry and by
piquets. The militia crossed the creek, and ad-
vanced about a quarter of a mile in front, where
they also encamped in two lines. On their approach

* In his official letter general St. Clair says that the ground
would not admit a larger interval.

vol.. v. u u

30 THE LIFE OF

^HAP. v. a few Indians who had shown themselves on the
1791. opposite side of the creek, fled with precipitation.

At this place, the general determined to throw
up a slight work for the security of the baggage,
and after being rejoined by major Hamtranck, to
march as unincumbered, and as expeditiously as
possible, to the villages he purposed to destroy.

In both these designs he was anticipated. About
half an hour before sun rise the next morning,
just after the troops had been dismissed from the
parade, an unexpected attack was made upon the
militia, who fled in the utmost confusion, and
f ushing into camp through the first line of conti-
nental troops, which had been formed the instant
the first gun was discharged, threw them too into
disorder. Great and immediate exertions were
made by the officers, who had generally seen ser-
vice, to restore order. But their endeavours
were not entirely successful. The Indians pressed
close upon the heels of the flying militia, and en-
gaged general Butler with great intrepidity. The
action instantly became extremely warm ; and the
fire of the assailants, passing round both flanks of
the first line, was in a few minutes poured with equal
fury on the rear division of the American army.
Its greatest weight was directed against the centre
of each wing, where the artillery .was posted ; and
the artillerists were mowed down in great numbers.
:Firing from the ground, and from the shelter
which the woods afforded, the assailants were
scarcely seen but when springing from one cover
to another, in which manner they advanced close
up to the American lines, and to the very mouths
of the field pieces. They fought with the daring

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 33 1

courage of men whose trade is war, and who are CHAP. v.
stimulated by all those passions which can impel
the savage mind to vigorous exertions.

Under circumstances thus arduous, raw troops
may be expected to exhibit that inequality which
is found in human nature. While some of the
American soldiers performed their duty with the
utmost resolution, others seemed dismayed and
terrified. Of this conduct the officers were, as
usual, the victims. With a fearlessness which
the occasion required, they exposed themselves
to the most imminent dangers, and in their efforts
to change the face of affairs, fell in great numbers.

For several days, the commander in chief had
been afflicted with a severe disease, under which
he still laboured, and which must have greatly
affected him ; but, though unable to display that ac-
tivity which would have been useful in this severe
conflict, neither the feebleness of his body, nor the
peril of his situation, could prevent his delivering
his orders with judgment and with self possession.*

* The following extract from the official letter of the com-
mander in chief is inserted as showing both his own situation
and his opinion of the behaviour of his troops. " I have noth-
ing sir to lay to the charge of the troops but their want of
discipline, which, from the short time they had been in ser-
vice, it was impossible they should have acquired ; and which
rendered it very difficult when they were thrown into confusion,
to reduce them again to order ; and is one reason why the loss
has fallen so heavily upon the officers who did every thing in
their power to effect it. Neither were my own exertions
wanting ; but worn down with illness, and suffering under a
painful disease, unable cither to mount, or dismount a horse
without assistance, they were not so great as they otherwise
would, or perhaps ought to have been%

U U 2

THE LIFE OF

- v- It was soon perceived that the American flre

i?9l. could produce, on a concealed enemy, no con-
siderable effect ; attd that the only hope of victory
which cOtild be entertained, must be placed in
the bayonet. At the head of the second regiment,
which formed the left of the left wing, lieutenant
colonel Darke made an impetuous charge upon
the eriemy, forced them from their ground with
some loss, and drove them about four hundred
yards. He was followed by that whole wing ;
but the want of a sufficient number of riflemen to
press this advantage, deprived him of the benefit
which ought to have been derived from this effort ;
and as soon as he gave over the pursuit, the In-
dians renewed their attack. In the mean time
general Butler was mortally wounded, the left of
the right wing Was broken, the artillerists almost
to a man killed, the guns seized, and the camp
penetrated by the enemy. With his own regi-
ment, and with the battalions commanded by
majors Butler* and Clarke, Darke was ordered
again to charge with the bayonet. These orders
were executed with intrepidity and momentary
success. The Indians were driven out of the
camp, and the artillery recovered. But while they
were pressed in one point by the bravest of the
American troops, their fire was kept up from
every other with fatal effect. Several times
particular corps charged them, always with partial
success, but no universal effort could be made,

* Although his leg had been broken by a ball, major But-
ler) mounted on horse back, led his battalion to the charge.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 333

and in every charge a great loss of officers was CHAP.V.
sustained, the consequences of which were severely
felt. Instead of keeping their ranks, and executing
the orders which were given, a great proportion
of the soldiers flocked together in crowds, and
were shot down without resistance. To save the
remnant of his army was all that remained to be
done, and about half past nine in the morning,
general St. Clair ordered lieutenant colonel Darke
with the second regiment, to charge a body of
Indians who had intercepted their retreat, and to
gain the road. Major Clarke with his battalion
was directed to cover the rear. These orders
were executed, and a most disorderly flight com-
menced. The pursuit was kept up about four
miles, when, fortunately for the surviving Ameri-
cans, that avidity for plunder which is a ruling
passion among savages, called back the victorious
Indians to the camp, where the spoils of their
vanquished foes were to be divided. The routed
troops continued their flight to fort Jefferson, a
distance of about thirty miles, throwing away their
arms on the road. At this place they met major
Hamtranck with the first regiment, and a council
of war was called to deliberate on the course
to be pursued. As this regiment was far from
restoring the strength of the morning, it was
determined not to attempt to retrieve the fortune
of the day ; and, leaving the wounded at fort
Jefferson, the army continued its retreat to fort
Washington.

In this disastrous battle, the loss on the part of
the Americans was very great when compared

334 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, v. with the number of men who were engaged.
Thirty. eight commissioned officers were killed
upon the field, and five hundred and ninety-three
non-commissioned officers and privates were slain
and missing. Twenty- one commissioned officers,
several of whom afterwards died of their wounds,
and two hundred and forty-two non-commissioned
officers and privates were wounded. Among the
dead was the brave and much lamented general
Butler. This gallant officer had served through
the war of the revolution, and had, on more
than one occasion, distinguished himself in a re-
markable manner. In the list of those who shared
his fate, were the names of many other excellent
officers who had participated in all the toils, the
dangers, and the glory of that long conflict which
terminated in the independence of their country.
At the head of the list of wounded were lieutenant
colonels Gibson and Darke, major Butler, and
adjutant general Sargent, all of whom were vete-
ran officers of great merit, who displayed their
accustomed bravery on this unfortunate day.
Deploring their fate in his letter, general St.
Clair observed ; " the loss the public has sus-
tained by the fall of so many officers, particularly
of general Butler and major Ferguson, cannot be
too much regretted ; but it is a circumstance that
will alleviate the misfortune in some measure,
that all of them fell most gallantly doing their
duty."

From the weight of the fire, and the circum-
stance of his being attacked nearly at the same

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 335

time both in front and rear, general St. Clair was CHAP.V.
of opinion that he was overpowered by numbers. 1791*
The intelligence afterwards collected would make
the Indian force to consist of from one thousand
to fifteen hundred warriors. Of their loss, no
estimate could be made ; the probability is, that
it bore no proportion to that sustained by the
American army.

Nothing could be more unexpected than this
severe disaster. Having confidently anticipated
a successful campaign, and a consequent termi-
nation of the war, the public could not believe
that the general who had been unfortunate, had
not been culpable. It was said that his vicinity
to the Miamis villages, and the parties of obser-
vation which he occasionally saw, ought to have
suggested to him the probability of being attacked
in the absence of one of his regiments ; and that
he ought to have used sufficient vigilance to
prevent the enemy from approaching so near his
camp, both in front and rear, before they were
observed. His order of encampment too was,
censured, and it was said that his lines were not
sufficiently distant from each other.

The commander in chief requested with earnest-
ness that a court martial should sit on his conduct;
but this request could not be granted, because
there were not in the American service, officers
of a grade to form a court for his trial on military
principles. Late in the session, a committee
of the house of representatives was appointed to
inquire into the cause of the failure of the expe-
dition, whose report, in explicit terms, exculpated

336 THE LIFE OF

CHAP.V. t|ie commander in chief.* This inquiry however
J792. was instituted rather for the purpose of investiga-
ting the conduct of civil than of military officers;
and was not conducted by military men. More
satisfactory testimony in favour of St. Clair is
furnished by the circumstance, that he still re-
tained the undiminished esteem and good opinion
of the president.

The Indian war now assumed a more serious
aspect than it had hitherto worn. There was
reason to fear that the hostile tribes would derive
a great accession of strength from the impression
which their success and the spoil they had acquired
would make upon their neighbours ; and the
reputation of the government was deeply con-
cerned in retrieving the fortune of its arms, and
affording protection to its citizens. The president
therefore lost no time in causing the estimates
for a force which he deemed competent to the
object to be prepared and laid before congress.
In conformity with a report made on this subject
by the secretary of war, a bill was brought into

the house of representatives, directing three addi-

(

* After stating the causes to which in the opinion of the
committee the failure of the expedition was to be ascribed,
the report proceeds to add, " your committee conceive it but
justice to the commander in chief to say, that in their opinion
the failure of the late expedition can in no respect be im-
puted to his conduct either at any time before or during the
action: but that as his conduct in all the preparatory arrange-
ments was marked with peculiar ability and zeal, so his con-
duct during the action furnished strong testimonies of his
and intrepidity*

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 337

lional regiments of infantry, and a squadron of CHAP.V.
cavalry to be raised, to serve for three years if
not sooner discharged. The whole military estab-
lishment, if completed, would amount to about
five thousand men. The additional regiments
however were to be disbanded as soon as peace
should be concluded with the Indians ; and the
president was authorized to discharge, or to for-
bear to raise any part of them, " in case events
should in his judgment, render his so doing con-
sistent with the public safety."

This bill experienced great opposition. A

motion was made to strike out the section which increase <

.... . ~_ T-»» t'le armY

authorized this augmentation of force. By those
who argued in favour of the motion, the justice
of the war was arraigned, and the practicability of
obtaining peace at a much less expense than
would be incurred in its further prosecution was
urged with vehemence. An extension of the
present frontier was said not to be desirable, and
if the citizens of the United States were recalled
within their proper boundaries, hostilities would
cease. At any rate, it was an idle profusion of
blood and treasure to carry the war beyond the
line of forts already established. It was only
exposing their arms to disgrace, betraying their
own weakness, and lessening the public confi-
dence in the government, to send forth armies to
be butchered in the forests, while the British were
suffered to keep possession of posts within the
territory of the United States. To this cause
was ascribed any disposition which might exist
on the part of the Indians to continue hostilities,
VOL. v. xx

338 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, v. and to its removal ought the efforts of the govern-
1792, ment to be directed.

But, admitting the war to have been just in its
Commencement, and its continuance to be required
by the honour and interest of the nation, yet as
an invasion of the Indian country ought not to be
attempted, this augmentation of the military estab-
lishment could not be necessary. Rtgular troops
could only be useful as garrisons for posts to
•which the militia might resort for protection or
supplies. Experience had proved that the sudden
desultory attacks of the frontier militia and ran-
gers were productive of more valuable conse-
quences, than the methodical operations of a
regular force. But should it even be conceded
that invasion and conquest were to be contem-
plated, the existing establishment, if completed,
would be sufficiently great. The levies which
the president had been authorized to raise would,
in every respect, equal regular troops. In the
last campaign they had been equally serviceable,
and in the late battle they had been equally
brave. But it was still insisted that even for the
purposes of conquest, the frontier militia were
superior to any regulars whatever.

The expense of such an army as the bill con-
templated was said to be an object worthy of
serious attention ; and members were requested
to observe the .progress of this business, and to
say where it would stop. At first, only a single
regiment had been raised, and the expense was
about one hundred thousand dollars ; a second
was afterwards added, which swelled the expense

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 339

to three hundred thousand; and now a standing CHAP. v.
force of five thousand one hundred and sixty eight
men is contemplated, at an annual expense of
above a million and a quarter.

They were preparing to squander away money
by millions ; and no one, except those who were
in the secrets of the cabinet, knew why the war
had been thus carried on for three years. But
what funds, it was asked, were to defray the
increased expense of maintaining such a force as
was contemplated? "the excise is both unpopular
and unproductive. The import duties have been
raised as high as is consistent with prudence. To
increase them would only open a door for smug-
gling and thus diminish their productiveness."

Against the motion for striking out, it was
urged that the justice of the war could not be
questioned by any man who would allow that self
preservation and indispensable necessity could
furnish sufficient motives for taking up arms. It
was originally undertaken, and had been since
carried on, not for conquest, but to defend their
fellow citizens on the frontiers, who, if not as-
sisted, must fall victims to the rage and barbarity
of their savage enemies. It was said to be proved
by unquestionable documents, that from the year
1783 to 1790, there had been not less than,
fifteen hundred persons, either the inhabitants of
Kentucky, or emigrants on their way to that
country, who had been massacred by the savages,
or dragged into captivity ; and there was reason
to believe that on the frontiers of Virginia, and

540 THE LIFE OF

CHAP.V. of Pennsylvania, the murdered and the prisoners
1792, would furnish a list not much less numerous.

yhe conciliatory disposition of the government
was stated, and its repeated efforts to obtain a peace
were enumerated, Jt was particularly observed
that in 1790, when a treaty was proposed at the
Miamis villages, the Indians at first refused to
treat ;... they next required thirty days to delib-
erate;...this request was acceded to, and in the
interim, the inhabitants were expressly pro-
hibited by the president to carry on any offensive
operations against them. Yet notwithstanding
this forbearance on the part of the whites, not less
than one hundred and twenty persons were killed
and captured by the savages, and several prisoners
were roasted alive during that short period, at the
expiration of which, the Indians refused to give
any answer to the proposition which had been
made to them.

However strong the desire might be, both of
the general government, and of the legislatures of
those states which are most exposed, to cultivate
peace and amity with the neighbouring Indians,
that object was, in the actual posture of affairs,
utterly unattainable. The Indians had killed a
number of whites ;... the whites had retaliated;
and both parties were in the highest degree
exasperated against each other. With minds thus
irritated, it was in vain to hope for peace while
they continued neighbours. A strong barrier
must be placed between them. Were it even
proposed to pacify the savages by a repurchase of
the lands they had already sold, such a measure

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 341

would procure only a temporary peace, which CHAP.V.
would soon be interrupted by a war that would 1792.
reproduce the necessity of recurring to the same
expedient. The land must be purchased again
and again without end ;... better was it to make
at once a vigorous effort to act in a manner
becoming the national dignity, and to maintain
their ground by war, since they could not obtain
a durable or an honourable peace.

But it was now too late to inquire into the
justice of the principles on which the war was
originally undertaken. The nation was involved
in it, and could not recede without exposing many
innocent persons to be butchered by the enemy.
Should the government determine to discon-
tinue the war, would the Indians also consent to
a cessation of hostilities? their aversion to peace
was well known, and the warmest advocate for
pacific measures must therefore admit that the
war had become a war of necessity, and must be
supported. The government could not, without
impeachment both of its justice and humanity,
abandon the inhabitants of the frontiers to the
rage of their savage enemies ; and although the
excise might be somewhat unpopular, although
money might still be wanted, what was the excise>
what was money, when put in competition with
the lives of their friends and brethren ? a sufficient
force must be raised for their defence, and the
only question was what that force should be.

The calculations of the best informed men were
said to be in favour of employing an army not
inferior to that proposed in the bill. When the

•3 |,2 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, v. known attachment of Indians to war and plunder
1792. was adverted to, and the excitements to that
attachment which were furnished by the trophies
acquired in the two last campaigns were con-
sidered, no man would venture to pronounce with
confidence how extensive the combination against
the United States might become, or what num-
bers they would have to encounter. It certainly
behoved them to prepare in time fora much more
vigorous effort than had hitherto been made. The
objections drawn from the increased expense
which such an effort would require, must entirely
vanish before the eyes of any man, who looks
forward to the consequences of another unsuccess-
ful campaign. Such a disaster would eventually
involve the nation in much greater expense than
that which is now made the ground of opposition.
Better therefore is it, to make at once a vigorous
and effectual exertion to bring the contest to a
final issue, than to continue gradually draining
the treasury, by dragging on the war, and renew-
ing hostility from year to year.

To experience, the supporters of the bill also
appealed for the superiority of regular troops over
militia in accomplishing all the purposes even of
Indian war ; and those arguments were urged in
favour of this theory which the subject readily
suggests.

The motion for striking out the section was
lost, and the bill was carried for the augmentation
of force required by the executive.

The treasury was not in a condition to answer
the demands upon it, which the increased ex-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 343

penses of the war would unavoidably occasion ; and OIAP. v.
sources of additional revenue were consequently '
to be explored. A select committee to whom
this subject was referred, brought in a resolution
directing the secretary of the treasury to report
his opinion to the house on the best mode of rais-
ing those additional supplies which the public
service might require for the current year.

This proposition gave rise to a very animated
debate.

It will be recollected that when the act for
establishing the treasury department was under
consideration, the clause which rendered it the
duty of the secretary to digest and report plans
for the improvement and management of the rev-
enue, and for the support of public credit, was
earnestly opposed, A large majority however
was in favour of the principle ; and, when so
modified, as only to admit a report if required by
the house, it was retained in the bill. In com-
plying with the various resolutions of congress
calling for reports on subjects connected with his
department, the secretary had submitted plans
which, having been profoundly considered, were
well digested^ and accompanied by arguments the
force of which it was difficult to resist. There
was danger in assuming the responsibility which
would attach itself to the alteration of parts of a
system, whereby it might be mutilated, by a
member who was not prepared with a substitute^
and who did not perceive the full extent of the
change he proposed ; and a consequent disposition
prevailed with manyr to adopt the entire plan as

344 THE LIFE OF

CHAP.^ recommended ; while others felt themselves era-
1792. barrassed in the opposition they were desirous of
making. His measures were generally supported
by a majority of congress ; and while the high
credit of the United States was believed to attest
their wisdom, the masterly manner in which his
reports were drawn contributed to raise still higher
that reputation for great talents which he had
long possessed. To the further admission of these
reports> it was determined, on this occasion, to
make a vigorous resistance.

But the opposition was not successful. On
taking the question, the resolution was carried,
thirty one members voting in its favour, and twenty-
seven against it.
Report of The report* made by the secretary in pursuance

the secretary . .

ofihe of this resolution, recommended certain aue;men-

treasury for

atonal tations of the duties on imports, and was imme-
diately referred to the consideration of a committee
of the whole house. Resolutions were then en-
tered into which were to form the basis of a bill,
and which adopted not only the principles, but,
with the exception of a few unimportant altera-
tions, the minute details of the report.

fiefore the question was taken on the passage
of the bill which was introduced in conformity
with these resolutions, a motion was made to
limit its duration, the vote upon which strongly
marked the progress of opinion in the house res-
pecting those systems of finance which were be-

* See Note, JVo. IV. at the end of the volume.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 345

lieved to have established the credit of the United CHAP. v.
States. 1792.

The secretary of the treasury had deemed it
indispensable to the creation of public credit, that
the appropriations of funds for the payment of the
interest, and the gradual redemption of the prin-
cipal of the national debt, should be not only suf-
ficient, but permanent also. A party was found
in the first congress who opposed this principle,
and were in favour of retaining a full power over
the subject in each branch of the legislature, by
making annual appropriations. The arguments
which had failed in congress appear to have been
more successfully employed with the people at
large. Among the multiplied vices which were
ascribed to the funding system, it was not thought
the least, that it introduced a permanent and
extensive mortgage of funds, which was alleged
to strengthen unduly the hands of the executive
magistrate, and to be one of the many evidences
which existed of monarchical propensities in those
who administered the government.

The report lately made by the secretary of the
treasury, and the bill founded on that report,
contemplated a permanent increase of the duties
on certain specified articles, and a permanent ap>
propriation of the revenue arising from them, to
the purposes of the national debt. In favour of the
motion for limiting the duration of the bill, were
thirty one members, and against it only thirty.
By the rules of the house, the speaker had a right
first to vote as a member ; and, if the numbers
should then be equally divided, to decide £s

VOL. v. Y y

3.46 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. v. speaker. Being opposed to the limitation, the

1792. motion was lost by his voice.
congress Qn the eighth of May, after an active and

adjourns. J *

interesting session, congress adjourned to the
first monday in November.

The asperity which, on more than one occa-
sion, discovered itself in debate, was a certain
index of the growing exasperation of parties ; and
the strength of the opposition on those questions
which brought into review the points on which
the administration was to be attacked, denoted
the impression which the specific charges brought
against those who conducted public affairs, had
made on the minds of the people in an extensive
division of the continent. It may conduce to a
more perfect understanding of subsequent trans-
actions, to present in this place a sketch of those
charges.
stricture on it was alleged that the public debt was too

the conduct . o

mat?oTwith great to be paid before other causes of adding to it
pmiw.0 would occur. This accumulation of debt had been
artificially produced by the assumption of what
was due from the states. Its immediate effect was
to deprive the government of its power over those
easy sources of revenue, which, applied to its
ordinary necessities and exigencies, would have
answered them habitually, and thereby have
avoided those burdens on the people, the imposi-
tion of which occasioned such murmurs against
taxes, and tax gatherers. As a consequence of it,
although the calls for money had not been greater
than must be expected for the same or equivalent
exigencies, yet congress had been already obliged.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 347

not only to strain the impost until it produced CHAP.V.
clamour, and would produce evasion, and war 1793.
on their own citizens to collect it; but even to
resort to an excise law, of odious character with
the people, partial in its operation, unproductive
unless enforced by arbitrary and vexatious means,
and committing the authority of the government
in parts where resistance was most probable, and
coercion least practicable.

That the United States, if left free to act at
their discretion, might borrow at two thirds of
the interest contracted to be paid to the public
creditors, and thus discharge themselves from the
principal in two thirds of the time : but from this
they were precluded by the irredeemable quality
of the debt ; a quality given for the avowed pur-
pose of inviting its transfer to foreign countries.
This transfer of the principal when completed
would occasion an exportation of three millions
of dollars annually for the interest, a drain of coin
without example, and of the consequences of
which no calculation could be made.

The banishment of coin would be completed
by ten millions of paper money in the form of
bank bills, which were then issuing into circula-
tion. Nor would this be the only mischief result-
ing from the institution of the bank. The ten
or twelve per cent annual profit paid to the lenders
of this paper medium would be taken out of the
pockets of the people, who would have had
without interest, the coin it was banishing. That
ail the capital employed in paper speculation is
barjren and useless, producing like that on a

Y y 2

348 THE L1FE °F

CHAP. v. gaming table, no accession to itself, and is with-
1792. drawn from commerce and agriculture where it
would have produced addition to the common
mass. The wealth therefore heaped upon indi-
viduals by the funding and banking systems,
would be productive of general poverty and dis-
tress. That in addition to the encouragement
these measures gave to vice and idleness, they
had furnished effectual means of corrupting such
a portion of the legislature as turned the balance
between the honest voters. This corrupt squa-
dron, deciding the voice of the legislature, had
manifested their dispositions to get rid of the
limitations imposed by the constitution ; limita-
tions on the faith of which the states acceded to
that instrument. They were proceeding rapidly
in their plan of absorbing all power, invading the
rights of the states, and converting the federal
into a consolidated government.

That the ultimate object of all this was to pre-
pare the way for a change from the present repub.
lican form of government to that of a monarchy,
of which the English constitution was to be the
model. So many of the friends of monarchy were
in the legislature, that, aided by the corrupt squad
of paper dealers who were at their devotion, they
made a majority in both houses. The republican
party, even when united with the antifederalists,
continued a minority.

That of all the mischiefs resulting from the
system of measures which was so much repro-
bated, none was so afflicting, so fatal to every
honest hope, as the corruption of the legislature.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

As it was the earliest of these measures, it became CHAP v

the instrument for producing the rest, and would 1792<
be the instrument for producing in future, a king,
lords, and commons ; or whatever else those who
directed it might choose. Withdrawn such a
distance from the eye of their constituents, and
these so dispersed as to become inaccessible to
public information, and particularly to that of the
conduct of their own representatives, they would
form the most corrupt government on earth, if
the means of their corruption were not prevented.
These strictures on the conduct of adminis-
tration were principally directed against measures
which had originated with the secretary of the
treasury, and had afterwards received the sanction
of the legislature. In the southern division of the
continent that officer was unknown, except to a
few military friends, and to those who had en-
gaged in the legislative or executive departments
of the former or present government. His systems
of revenue having been generally opposed, either
in whole or in part, by the southern members,
and the original opposition to the constitution
having been particularly great in Virginia, and
North Carolina, the aspersions on his views, and
on the views of the eastern members by whom
his plans had been generally supported, were
seldom controverted. The remote tendency of
particular systems, and the motives for their
adoption, are so often subjects of conjecture, that
the judgment when exercised upon them, is pecu-
liarly exposed to the influence of the passions ;
and where measures are in themselves burden-

350 THE LIFE OF

CHAP« v« some, and the necessity for their adoption has not
1792. been appreciated, suspicions of their unknown
advocates, can seldom be unsuccessfully urged by
persons in whom the people have placed their
confidence. It is not therefore cause of astonish-
ment, that the dark motives ascribed to the
authors of tax laws should be extensively be-
lieved.

Throughout the United States, the party op-
posed to the constitution had charged its advocates
with a desire to establish a monarchy on the
ruins of republican government ; and the consti-
tution itself was alleged to contain principles
which would prove the truth of this charge. The
leaders of that party had therefore been ready from
the instant the government came into operation,
to discover in all its measures those monarchical
tendencies which they had perceived in the instru-
ment they opposed.

The salaries allowed to public officers, though
so low* as not to afford a decent maintenance to
those who resided at the seat of government,
were declared to be so enormously high, as clearly
to manifest a total disregard of that simplicity and
economy which were the characteristics of repub-
lics.

The levees of the president, and the evening
parties of Mrs. Washington, were said to be
imitations of regal institutions, designed to accus-
tom the American people to the pomp and man-

* The salary of the secretary of state which was the highest
was three thousand five hundred dollars.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 35 1

nefs of European courts. The vice president too CHAP.V.
was said to keep up the state and dignity of a 1792.
monarch, and to illustrate by his conduct the
principles which were inculcated in his political
works.

The Indian war they alleged was misconducted,
and unnecessarily prolonged for the purposes of
expending the public money, and of affording a
pretext for augmenting the military establishment,
and increasing the revenue.

All this prodigal waste of the money of the
people was designed to keep up the national debt,
and the influence it gave the legislature, which,
united with standing armies, and immense re-
venues, would enable their rulers to ^rivet the
chains which they were secretly forging. Every
prediction which had been uttered respecting the
anti republican principles of the government, was
said to be rapidly verifying, and that which was
disbelieved as prophecy was daily becoming his-
tory. If a remedy for these ills was not found in
the increased representation of the people which
would take place at the ensuing elections, they
would become too monstrous to be borne ; and
when it was recollected that the division of opinion
was marked by a geographical line, there was rea-
son to fear that the union would be broken into
one or more confederacies.

These irritable symptoms had assumed appear-
ances of increased malignity during the session
of congress which had just terminated ; and, to
the president, who firmly believed that on the
preservation of the government depended the

352 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, v. union and the liberty of the states,, they were the
1792. more unpleasant and the more alarming, because
they appeared no where in greater force than in
his cabinet.
Disagree- Between the secretaries of the state and treasury

™ent J T -11-1

between the departments, a disagreement existed, which seems

secretaries ot »

tre^"yd to have originated in an early stage of the admin-
istration, and to have acquired a regular accession
of force from circumstances which were perpet-

v ually occurring, until it issued in open and irre-

concilable hostility.

Without tracing this disagreement to those
motives which, in elective governments especially
often produce enmities between distinguished per-
sonages, neither of whom acknowledges the su-
periority of the other, such radical differences of
opinion, on points which would essentially influ-
ence the course of the government, were supposed
to subsist between the secretaries as in a great
measure to account for this unextinguishable
enmity. These differences of opinion were per-
haps to be ascribed in some measure to a differ-
ence in the original structure of their minds, and
in some measure to the difference of the situations
in which they had been placed.

Until near the close of the war, Mr. Hamilton
had served his country in the field; and just before
its termination, he had passed from the camp into
congress, where he remained for some time after
• peace had been established. In the former station,
the danger to which the independence of his
country was exposed from the imbecility of the
government was perpetually before his eyes ; and

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

in the latter, his attention was forcibly directed CHAP. v.
towards the loss of its reputation, and the sacri- 1793.
fice of its best interests, which were to be ascribed
chieflv to the same cause. Mr. Hamilton there-
fore was the friend of a government \\hichshould
possess in itself sufficient powers and resources to
maintain the character, and defend the integrity
of the nation. Having long felt and witnessed the
mischiefs produced by the absolute sovereignty of
the states, and by the control which they were
enabled separately to exercise over every measure
of general concern, he was particularly apprehen-
sive of clanger from that quarter ; which he
probably believed was to be the more dreaded,
because the habits and feelings of the American
people were calculated to inspire state rather than
national prejudices. Under the influence of these
impressions, he is understood to have avowed
opinions in the convention favourable to a system
in which the executive and senate, though elective,
were to be rather more permanent* than they
were rendered in that which was actually pro-
posed. He afterwards supported the constitution
as framed with great ability, and contributed
essentially to its adoption. But he still retained,
and openly avowed the opinion, that the greatest
hazards to which it \vas exposed arose from its
weakness, and that American liberty and happiness
had much more to fear from the encroachments of
— •

* It has been published by the enemies of Mr- Hamil-
ton that he was in favour of a president and senate
should hold their offices during good behaviour*

VOL.V. Z Z

354 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. v. the great states, than from those of the general
1792. government.

Mr. Jefferson had retired from congress before
the depreciation of the currency had produ-ced an
entire dependence of the general on the local gov-
ernments ; after which he filled the highest offices
in the state of which he was a citizen. About the
close of the war he was re-elected to congress ;
but, being soon afterwards employed on a diplo-
matic mission, he remained at the court of Ver-
sailles while the people of France were taking the
primary steps of that immense revolution which
has astonished and agitated two quarters of the
^_ world. In common with all his countrymen, he
took a strong interest in favour of the reformers ;
and it is not unreasonable to suppose, that while
residing at that court, and associating with those
who meditated some of the great events which
have since taken place, his mind might be warmed
with the abuses of the monarchy which were per-
petually in his view, and he might be led to the
opinion that liberty could sustain no danger but
from the executive power. Mr. Jefferson therefore
seems to have entertained no apprehensions from
the debility of the government; no jealousy of
the state sovereignties ; and no suspicion of their
encroachments. His fears took a different direc-
tion, and all his precautions were used to check
and limit the exercise of the authorities claimed
by the government of the United States. Neither
could he perceive danger to liberty except from
the constituted authorities, and especially fronra
the executive.

GEORGE WASHINGTON". 355

He did not feel so sensibly as those who had CHAP. v.
continued in the United States the necessity of
adopting the constitution ; and had, at one time,
avowed a wish that it might be rejected by such
a number of states as would secure certain alte-
rations which he thought essential. His principal
objections seem to have been, the want of a bill
of rights, and the re-eligibility of the president.
From this opinion however in favour of a partial
rejection he is understood to have receded, after
seeing the plan pursued by the convention of
Massachussetts, and followed by other states,
which was to adopt unconditionally, and to annex
a recommendation of the amendments which were
desired.

To the causes of division between these gentle-
men which have been mentioned, was superadded
another, the influence of which soon became very
great on all the political transactions of the gov-
ernment.

The war which was terminated in 1783 had
left in the bosoms of the American people a strong
attachment to France, and enmity to Great Britain.
These feelings, in a greater or less degree, were
perhaps universal ; and had been prevented from
subsiding by circumstances to which allusions
have already been repeatedly made. They evinced
themselves in the state legislatures by commercial
regulations ; and were demonstrated by all those
means by which the public sentiment is usually
displayed. They found their way also into the
national councils, where they manifested them-
selves in the motions respecting the favours which
z z 2

QS6 TttE LIFE or

CHAP, v. ought to be shown to nations having commercial
1792. treaties with the United States.

Although affection for France, and jealousy of
Britain, were sentiments common to the people
of America, the same unanimity did not exist
respecting the influence which ought to be allowed
to those sentiments over the political conduct of
the nation. While many favoured such discrim-
inations as might eventually turn the commerce
of the United States into new channels, others
maintained that on this subject, equality ought to
be observed, that trade ought to be guided by the
judgment of individuals, and that no sufficient
motives existed for that sacrifice of general and
particular interests, which was involved in the dis-
criminations proposed ^..discriminations which,
in their view, amounted to a tax oh American
agriculture, and a bounty on the navigation and
manufactures of a favoured foreign nation.

The former opinion was taken up with warmth
by the secretary of state ; and the latter was
adopted jvith equal sincerity by the secretary of
the treasury. This contrariety of sentiment res-
pecting commercial regulations was only a part of
a general system. It extended itself to all the re-
lations which might subsist between America and
those two great powers.

In all popular governments, the press is the
most ready channel by which the opinions and the
passions of the few are communicated to the many;
and of the press, the two great parties forming in
the United States sought to avail themselves. The
Gazette of the United States supported the systems

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 357

t>f the treasury department, while other papers CHAP.V.
enlisted themselves under the banners of the op-
position. Conspicuous among these was the
National Gazette, a paper edited by a clerk in the
department of state. The avowed purpose for
which the secretary patronized this paper was to
present to the eye of the American people, Euro-
pean intelligence derived from the Leyden gazette
instead of English papers ; but it soon became
the vehicle of calumny against the funding and
banking systems, against the duty on home made
spirits, which was denominated an excise, and
against the men who had proposed and supported
those measures. With perhaps equal asperity,
the papers attached to the party which had advo-
cated these systems, assailed the motives of the
leaders of the opposition.

This schism in his cabinet was a subject of ex-
treme mortification to the president. Entertaining
a high respect for the talents, and a real esteem
for the characters of both gentlemen, he was un-
willing to part with either; and exerted all the
influence he possessed to effect a reconciliation
between them. In a letter of the 23d of August,
addressed to the secretary of state, after reviewing subje
the critical situation of the United States with
respect to its external relations; he thus expressed
himself on this delicate subject. ** How unfor-
tunate and how much is to be regretted then, that
while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed
enemies, and insidious friends, internal dissensions
should be harrowing and tearing our vitals. The
last, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming,

358 THE LIFE OF

CHAP.V. and the most afflicting of the two; and without
1792. more charity for the opinions of one another in
governmental matters, or some more infallible
criterion by which the truth of speculative opin-
ions, before they have undergone the test of ex-
perience, are to be forejudged than has yet fallen
to the lot of fallibility, I belive it will be difficult,
if not impracticable to manage the reins of gov-
ernment, or to keep the parts of it together : for
if, instead of laying our shoulders to the machine,
after measures are decided on, one pulls this way,
and another that, before the utility of the thing is
fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder ;
and in my opinion, the fairest prospect of hap-
piness and prosperity that ever was presented to
man will be lost perhaps for ever.

"My earnest wish and my fondest hope therefore
is, that instead of wounding suspicions, and irri-
tating charges, there may be liberal allowances,
mutual forbearances, and temporising yielding on
all sides. Under the exercise of these, matters will
go on smoothly ; and if possible, more prosper-
ously. Without them, every thing must rub ; the
wheels of government will clog; our enemies will
triumph ; and, by throwing their weight into the
disaffected scale, may accomplish the ruin of the
goodly fabric we have been erecting."

" I do not mean to apply this advice, or these
observations, to any particular person or character.
I have given them in the same general terms to
other officers * of the government, because the

* See Note JVo. V. at the end of the -volume*

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 359

disagreements which have arisen from difference CHAP.V.
of opinions, and the attacks which have been made 1793.
upon almost all the measures of government, and
most of its executive officers, have for a long time
past filled me with painful sensations, and cannot
fail, I think, of producing unhappy consequences,
at home and abroad."

In a subsequent letter to the same gentleman,
in answer to one which enclosed some documents
designed to prove that, though desirous of
amending the constitution, he had favoured its
adoption, the president said, " I did not require
the evidence of the extracts which you enclosed
me, to convince me of your attachment to the
constitution of the United States, or of your dis-
position to promote the general welfare of this
country ;...but I regret... deeply regret the dif-
ference of opinion which has arisen, and divided
you and another principal officer of the gov-
ernment ;... and wish devoutly there could be an
accommodation of them by mutual yieklings.

" A measure of this sort would produce har-
mony and consequent good in our public councils;
...and the contrary will inevitably produce con-
fusion and serious mischiefs ;... and for what?
because mankind cannot think alike, but would
adopt different means to attain the same end. For
I will frankly and solemnly declare that I believe
the views of both to be pure and well meant, and
that experience only will decide with respect to the
salubrity of the measures which are the subjects
of this dispute.

360 THE LIFE OF

CHAP.V. " Why then, when some of the best citizens of
1 792. the United States, . . . men of discernment, . . . uniform
and tried patriots,... who have no sinister views to
promote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking
and acting, are to be found some on one side, and
some on the other of the questions which have
caused these agitations ;... why should either of
you be so tenacious of your opinions as to make
no allowance for those of the other ?

" I could, and indeed was about to add more
on this interesting subject, but will forbear, at
least for the present, after expressing a wish that
the cup which has been presented to us may not
be snatched from our lips by a discordance of
action, when I am persuaded there is no discor-
dance in your views....! have a great, a sincere
esteem and regard for you both ; and ardently
wish that some line could be marked out by which
both of you could walk."

These earnest endeavours to sooth the angry
passions, and to conciliate the jarring discords of
the cabinet, were unsuccessfull. The hostility
which was so much and so sincerely lamented
sustained no diminution, and its consequences
became every day more diffusive.

Among the immediate effects of these internal
dissensions, was the encouragement they afforded
to a daring and criminal resistance which was
made to the execution of the laws imposing a duty
on spirits distilled within the United States.

To the inhabitants of that part of Pennsylvania
which lies west of the Alieghany mountains, this
duty was, from local considerations, peculiarly

GEORGE WASHINGTON. ggj

hateful. Nor did they feel affections for those CHAP.V-
with whom it originated, which might diminish 1793.
the hostility it was calculated to inspire. From
that section of the state, the constitution itself had
experienced the most decided opposition ; and that
early enmity to the government which exerted
every faculty to prevent its adoption, had sustained
no abatement. Its measures generally, and the
whole system of finance particularly, had been
reprobated with peculiar bitterness by many of the
most influential men of that district. With these
dispositions, a tax law, the operation of which
was extended to them, could not be favourably
received, however general might be the support it
should experience from other parts of the union.
But when to this pre-existing temper were super-
added the motives which arose from perceiving
that the measure was censured on the floor of
congress as unnecessary and tyrannical ; that re-
sistance to its execution was treated as probable ;
that a powerful, influential, and active party, per-
vading the union, arraigned with extreme acri-
mony the whole system of finance as being hostile
to liberty ; and, with all the passionate vehemence
of conviction, charged its advocates with designing
to subvert the republican institutions of America;
we ought not to be surprised that the awful im-
pressions which are usually occasioned by com-
binations to resist the laws were lessened, and
that the malcontents were emboldened to hojpe
that those combinations might be successfull.

On first introducing the act, some discontents
had been manifested in several parts of the union;

VOL. v. A a a

362 TI*E LIFE OT

CHAP, v. bltt by the prudence and firmness of the gcrvcfn-

1792. ttient and its officers, they had been dissipated ;

and the law had been carried into general operation.

opposition But in the district of Pennsylvania which has been

to the excise .

Uw- mentioned, the resistance wore the appearance of
System, and was regularly progressive. In its
commencement, it manifested itself by the circu-
lation of opinions calculated to increase the odium
in which the duty was held, and by endeavours to
defeat its collection by directing the public resent-
ments against those who were inclined either td
comply with the law, or to accept the offices
through which it was to be executed. These
indications of ill temper were succeeded by neigh-
bourhood meetings, in which resolutions of ex-
treme violence were adopted, and by acts of
outrage against the persons of revenue officers.
At length, in September 1791, a meeting of the
delegates from the malcontent counties was held
at Pittsburg, in which resolutions were adopted
breathing the same spirit with those which had
previously been agreed to in county assemblies.
With the proscription of all those who should
execute or obey the law, Who were stigmatized as
enemies to the country, were associated those
topics of accusation against the government which
have already been enumerated. Unfortunately t
the deputy marshal who was intrusted with the
process against those who had committed acts of
violence on the persons of revenue officers, was sd
intimidated by the turbulent spirit \vhich was
generally displayed, that he returned without per-
forming his duty; and thus added to the confi-
dence felt by the disaffected in their strength.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 353

Appearances wefe such as to justify apprehen- CHAP. v.
sions, thai the judiciary would be found unable to 1793.
punish the infractors of the laws; and the means
by which executive aid could be furnished had
not been organized by the legislature. This state
of things was the more embarrassing, because the
prejudices which had been widely disseminated,
and the misconceptions of the act which had been
extensively diffused, authorized some fears res-
pecting the support which the law, while yet in
the infancy of its operation, would receive from
the people. These considerations added to that
repugnance which was felt by the government to
the employment of harsh means, induced a for-
bearance to notice further their riotous proceed-
ings, until the measure, by being carried into
full effect in other parts of the union, should be
better understood ; and until congress should
assemble, and modify the system in such a man-
ner as to remove any real objections to it, the
existence of which might be suggested by ex-
perience. Accordingly, in the legislature which
convened in October 1791, this subject was taken
up in pursuance of the recommendation of the
president, and an amendatory act was passed in
May 1792, in which the whole system was revised,
and great pains were taken to alter such parts of
it as could be deemed exceptionable.

This conciliatory measure did not produce the
desired effect. No abatement took place in the
violence and outrage with which the resistance to
the law was conducted. To carry it into execu-
tion, officers of inspection were necessary in every
A a a 2

364 THE LIFE OF

CHAP.V. county. The malcontents for a considerable time
1792* deterred every, person from consenting,^) permit
an office to be held at his house ; and when at
length this difficulty was supposed to be overcome,
those who had been prevailed on to accede to the
propositions of the supervisor in this respect,
were compelled by personal violence, and by
threats of the destruction of property, and even of
death, to retract the consent they had given.

A meeting was again convened at Pittsburg,
in which among other very exceptionable resolu-
tions, committees were established to correspond
with any committees of a similar nature that might
be appointed in other parts of the United States.
By this meeting it was declared, that they would
persist in every legal measure to obstruct the
execution of the law, and would consider those
who held offices for the collection of the duty as
unworthy of their friendship ; that they would
have no intercourse or dealings with them;, would
withdraw from them every assistance, and with-
hold all the comforts of life which depend upon
those duties which, as men and fellow citizens,
they owed to each other; and would upon all
occasions treat them with contempt. It was at
the same time earnestly recommended to the
people at large to follow the same line of conduct.
No man could be more sensible than the presi-
dent, of the dangerous tendency of these measures,
nor more indignant at the outrage thus offered to
-the government of the United States. But his
prudence, and his high respect for the laws res-
trained him within the narrow limits which the

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 365

legislature had prescribed. A proclamation* was CHAP, v.
issued exhorting and admonishing all persons to 1792.
desist from any combinations or proceedings President's

. f proclaims

whatsoever, tending to obstruct the execution 01 tion.
the laws, and requiring the interference of the
civil magistrate ; and prosecutions against the
offenders were directed to be instituted in every
case in which they could be supported.

The attorney general inclined to the opinion
that the resolutions at Pittsburg did not constitute
an indictable offence; and two prosecutions which
were instituted against persons supposed to have
been concerned in the atrocities committed on the
officers and individuals who were aiding in the
execution of the laws, were afterwards discon-
tinued, it being discovered that a mistake had
been made in the persons on whom the process
was served.

This proclamation produced no salutary effect.
Many of the civil magistrates were themselves
concerned in stimulating the excesses they were
required to suppress ; and those who had not

*: In his letter enclosing this proclamation to the secretary
of the treasury, the president observed. " I have no doubt
but that the proclamation will undergo many strictures ; and,
as the effect proposed may not be answered by it, it will be
necessary to look forward in time to ulterior arrangements.
And here, not only the constitution and laws must strictly
govern, but the employment of the regular troops avoided,
if it be possible to effect order without their aid ; yet if no
other means will effectually answer, and the constitution and
laws will authorize these, they must be used as the dernier
resort."

366 THE LIF£ QF

CHAP, v. embarked hi the criminal enterprise, found them-
1792. selves totally unable to maintain the sovereignty
of the laws.

With a laudable solicitude to avoid extremities,
the government still sought for means to recall
these misguided people to a sense of duty, without
the employment of a military force. To obtain
this desirable object, the following system was
digested and pursued.

Prosecutions were instituted against delinquents
in those cases in which it was believed that they
could be maintained. The spirits distilled in the
non-complying counties were intercepted on their
way to market, and seized by the officers of the
revenue : and the agents for the army were
directed to purchase only those spirits on which
the duty had been paid. By thus acting on the
interests of the distillers, the hope was indulged
that they might be induced to comply with the
law. Could they have obeyed their wishes, these
measures would probably have produced the
desired effect ; but they were no longer masters
of their own conduct. Impelled by a furious mul-
titude, they found it much more dangerous to
obey than to resist the laws. The efficacy of this
system too was diminished by a circumstance,
which induced the necessity of a second applica-
tion to the legislature. The act had not been
extended to the territory northwest of the Ohio,
in which great part of the army lay ; and the
distillers, in a considerable degree, eluded the
vigilance of the government by introducing; their
spirits into that territory.

GEORGE WASHINGTON,

While from causes which were incessant and
active in their operation, some of which seem too 1793.
strongly fixed in the human mind ever to be re-
moved, a broad foundation was thus laid for those
party struggles whose fury is generally propor-
tioned to the magnitude of the objects to be at-
tained, and to the means which may be employed
in attaining them, the external affairs of the United
States sustained no material change.

Of the good understanding which was preserved
with France, a fresh proof had been recently given
by the employment of Mr. Ternan> a person pecu-
liarly acceptable to the American government, to
succeed the count de Moustiers, as minister
plenipotentiary of his most Christian majesty j
and in turn, Mr. Gouverneur Morris, who was
understood to have rendered himself agreeable
to the French government, was appointed to
represent the United States at the court of Ver-
sailles.

In addition to these interchanges of civility, a
melancholy occasion had presented itself for giv-
ing much more substantial evidence of the alacrity
with which the American administration would
embrace any proper opportunity of manifesting
its disposition to promote the interests of France.

Of that malignant philosophy, which, disre-
garding the actual state of the world, and estimat-
ing at nothing the miseries of a vast portion of
the human race, can coolly and deliberately pur.
sue through oceans of blood, abstract systems for
the attainment of some fancied untried good, early
and bitter fruits were gathered in the French

368 K THE LIFE OF

CHAP.V. West Indies. Instead of proceeding in the cor-
1792. rection of any abuses which might exist, by those
slow and cautious steps which gradually introduce
reform without ruin, which may prepare and fit
society for that better state of things designed for
them; and which by not attempting impossibilities,
may enlarge the circle of happiness, the revolu-
tionists of France formed the mad and wicked
project of spreading their doctrines of equality
among persons, between whom there exist dis-
tinctions and prejudices to be subdued only by the
insurrection grave. The rage excited by the pursuit of this

and massacre . . -

wtheisiand visionary and baneful theory, after many threaten-
jng symptoms, burst forth on the 23d day of
August 1791, with a fury alike destructive and
general. In one night a preconcerted insurrection
of the blacks took place throughout the colony of
St. Domingo, and the white inhabitants of the
country, while sleeping in their beds, were in-
volved in one indiscriminate massacre, from
which neither age nor sex could afford an exemp-
tion. Only a few females, reserved for a fate
more cruel than death, were intentionally spared ;
and not many were fortunate enough to escape
into the fortified cities. The insurgents then
assembled in vast numbers, and a bloody war
commenced between them and the whites inhab-
iting the towns. The whole French part of the
island was in imminent danger of being totally lost
to the mother country. The minister of his most
Christian majesty applied to the executive of the
United States for a sum of money which would
enable him to preserve this valuable colony, to be

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 359

deducted out of the debt to his sovereign; and CHAP. v.
the request was granted in a manner evincing the
interest taken by the administration in whatever
might concern France.

On the part of Spain, a desire had been ex-
pressed to adjust the subjects in controversy
between the two nations by negotiations to be
carried on at Madrid ; and Mr. Carraichael, and
Mr. Short had been appointed commissioners, with
powers equal to the object. In the mean time,
the officers of that nation persisted in measures
which were calculated to embroil the United
States with the southern Indians. By their in-
trigues with the Creeks, the treaty formed in 1790
with M'Gillivray, was prevented from being rati-
fied, and the boundary line then agreed upon was
not permitted to be run. The indefinite claim of
territory set up by Spain was alleged to constitute a
sufficient objection to any new line of demarkation,
until that claim should be settled ; and her previous
treaties and relations with the Creeks were de-
clared to be infracted by their stipulation acknow-
ledging themselves to be under the protection of
the United States.

With Great Britain too, an official diplomatic
intercourse had at length been opened. Mr. Ham-
mond, the minister plenipotentiary of that nation
to the United States, had arrived at Philadelphia,
in the autumn of 1791 ; upon which, Mr. Thomas
Pinckney, a gentleman of South Carolina, who
was highly and justly respected, had been charged
with the interests of his country at the court of

VOL. v. B b b

370 THE LIFE OF

CHAP- v- London.* Soon after the arrival of Mr. Ham.
1792. mond, the non execution of the treaty of peace
became the subject of a correspondence between
him and the secretary of state, in which the com-
plaints of their respective nations were urged in
terms manifesting clearly the sense entertained by
each of the justice of those complaints, without
furnishing solid ground for the hope that they
would be immediately removed on either side.

With respect to- commerce, a subject highly
interesting to the United States, Mr. Hammond's
powers were far from being satisfactory. To the
inquiries of Mr. Jefferson on this point, he replied,
that he was authorized to enter into a negotiation
respecting the commercial intercourse between
the two countries, and to discuss those principles
which might serve as a basis for a treaty, but not
to conclude any definitive arrangements. In fact
there was much reason to believe that the obstacles
to a commercial treaty between the two countries
would not be soon or easily surmounted. In

* In consequence of these nominations of foreign ministers,
a motion was made in the senate on a point which is of some
importance in settling the principles of the American govern-
ment. It was contended that the power of that body over the
appointment of a foreign minister gave the right to inquire
into the policy of making any appointment whatever ; and
that in exercising this power, they were not to confine them-
selves to a consideration of the fitness of the character nomi-
nated, but were to judge of the propriety of the mission ;
and were consequently to be informed of the motives which
had decided the president to employ a diplomatic character.
This opinion was overruled by a small majority.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. gyj

America, such an alteration in the law of nations CHAP. v.
as would permit the goods of an enemy to pass 1792.
freely in the bottom of a neutral, was a favourite
project; and a full participation of the colonial
trade was also most earnestly desired. That the
latter of these objects would not be readily con-
ceded by Great Britain did not admit of a doubt ;
but many intelligent men, possessing great polit-
ical influence, had embraced the opinion that she
could be forced out of that colonial system which
every European power having settlements in
America had adopted, by regulations restricting
her navigation and commerce with the United
States. To those who entertained this opinion no
commercial treaty could be acceptable which did
not contain the concessions they required.

In addition to a general knowledge of the
sentiments of the British cabinet on these points,
particular evidence had lately been received of its
positive decision respecting them. A compre-
hensive report on American affairs had been made
to the privy council by a committee of that body,
which was laid before the king. A few copies of
it had been printed for the members of the cabinet,
which were soon called in by a sudden order of
council ; but one of these copies was obtained
and transmitted to the secretary of state of the
United States. This report manifested a willing-
ness to form a commercial treaty with the Ame-
rican government on principles of perfect equality,
both with respect to navigation and commerce,
so far as regarded the dominions of his Britannic
majesty in Europe ; but it also discovered a deter-
B bb2

372 THE LIFE OF

CHAP- v- mination, to adhere inflexibly to the existing re-
1792. gulations for the colonies. " If," it was said,
" congress should propose to extend this equality
to the remaining colonies on the continent, and to
the West India islands, the answer ought to be
that the demand would not be admitted even as
a subject of negotiation."

On the principle that free bottoms should make
free goods, the report was equally positive. It
declared " that any article allowing the United
States to protect the enemies of Great Britain in
time of war should on no account be admitted.
It would be more dangerous to concede this prin-
ciple to the United States than to any other nation,
from situation, and other circumstances."

In this state paper the opinion was advanced,
that several important articles of exportation from
the United States, especially tobacco, had been
peculiarly favoured in Great Britain ; but that
these friendly regulations were not reciprocated
by America. The means of retaliating injuries
which might be inflicted on British commerce
were stated, but those means ought not hastily to
be adopted, the more especially, as the existing
government of the United States had discovered
dispositions more favourable to a liberal and fair
intercourse between the two countries, than had
been manifested by the respective states. For
several reasons it was deemed advisable not sud-
denly to disturb the existing state of things, but
to regulate the trade of the two nations by a treaty,
the stipulations of which should be equal, and
mutually beneficial, provided such a treaty could

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 373

be formed without a departure from those prin- CHAP. v.
ciples which, in the report, seem to have been 1792.
considered as fundamental.

In the hostility of the north western Indians, f
no abatement was taking place ; the preparations
therefore for terminating the war by the sword
were earnestly pressed. Major general Wayne ^££
was appointed to succeed general St. Clair, who ^'"com.

. . mandofthe

resigned the command or the army ; and the army,
utmost exertions were made to complete it to the
establishment ; but the laws furnished such small
inducements to engage -in the service, that the
highest military grades, next to that of commander
in chief, were declined by many to whom they
were offered ; and the recruiting business pro-
gressed too slowly to authorize a hope that the
decisive expedition which was meditated could be
prudently undertaken in the course of the present
year. Meanwhile, the public clamour against the
war, which many still persisted to consider as vo-
luntary on the part of the United States, continued
to be loud and violent. It was vehemently asserted,
that if the intentions of the government respecting
the savages were just and humane, those intentions
were unk'nown to them, and that their resentments
were kept up by the aggressions of whites, and
by the opinion that their extermination from the
country they occupied was the object of the hos-
tilities carried on against them. However satisfied
the president might be of the fallacy of these
opinions, they were too extensively maintained
not. to be respected as far as was compatible with
a due regard to the real interests of the nation.

374 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, v. While, therefore, the preparations for offensive
1792. operations were hastened by a vigorous exertion
of the means at the disposal of the executive, it
was thought advisable to make another effort to
terminate the war by a direct communication of
the pacific views of the United States. ...The
failure of these attempts was still less to be la-
mented than the fate of those who were employed
in them. Colonel Harden and major Truckman,
two brave officers and valuable men, were seve-
rally dispatched with propositions of peace, and
each was murdered by the savages.

Neither the number nor discipline of the troops
being such as to render an expedition into the
Indian country advisable during the present year,
the army was cantoned for the winter on the Ohio.
In the mean time, the recruiting business was
unremittingly urged, and all the arrangements
were made for executing, early in the ensuing
summer, the plan which had been formed for the
campaign.

Meeting of On the fifth of November, congress again con-
congress.

vened. In the speech delivered at the com-
mencement of the session, Indian affairs were
treated at considerable length, and the continuance
of the war was mentioned as a subject of much
regret. "The reiterated endeavours," it was

President's ° . .

5i)eech- said, "which had been made to effect a pacification,
had hitherto issued in new and outrageous proofs
of persevering hostility on the part of the tribes
with whom the United States were in contest.
An earnest desire to procure tranquillity to the
frontiers, to stop the further effusion of blood, to

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 375

arrest the progress of expense, to forward the CHAP.V.
prevalent wish of the nation for peace, had led, 1792.
through various channels, to strenuous efforts to
accomplish these desirable purposes. In making
these efforts, he had consulted less his own antici-
pations of the event, or the scruples which some
considerations were calculated to inspire, than
the wish to find the object attainable ; or, if not
attainable, to ascertain unequivocally that such
was the case.

"A detail of the measures that had been pur-
sued, and of their consequences, which would be
laid before congress, while it would confirm the
want of success thus far, would evince that means
as proper and as efficacious as could have been
devised, had been employed. The issue of some
of them was still depending ; but a favourable
one, though not to be despaired of, was not pro-
mised by any thing that had yet happened."

That a sanction, commonly respected even
among savages, had been found insufficient to
protect from massacre the emissaries of peace,
was particularly noticed ; and the families of those
valuable citizens who had thus fallen victims to
their zeal for the public service, were recom-
mended to the attention of the legislature.

That unprovoked aggression had been made by
the southern Indians, and that there was just cause
for apprehension that the war would extend to them
also, was mentioned as a subject of additional
concern.

" Every practicable exertion had been made to
be prepared for the alternative of prosecuting the

376 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. v. war, in the event of a failure of pacific overtures."
1792. A large proportion of the troops authorized to be
raised, had been recruited, though the numbers
were yet incomplete ; and pains had been taken
to discipline them, and put them in a condition
for the particular kind of service to be performed.
But a delay of operations, besides being dictated
by the measures that were pursuing towards a
pacific termination of the war, had been in itself
deemed preferable to immature efforts."

The humane system which has since been suc-
cessfully pursued, of gradually civilizing the sav-
ages by meliorating their condition, of diverting
them in some degree from hunting to domestic
and agricultural occupations by imparting to them
some of the most simple and useful acquisitions
of society ; and of conciliating them to the United
States by a beneficial and well regulated com-
merce, had ever been a favourite object with the
president, and the detailed view which was now
taken of Indian affairs, was concluded with a repe-
tition of his recommendations of these measures.

The subject next adverted to in the speech,
was the impediments which in some places con-
tinued to embarrass the collection of the duties on
spirits distilled within the United States. After
observing that these impediments were lessening
in local extent, but that symptoms of such in-
creased opposition had lately manifested them-
selves in certain places as, in his judgment, to
render his special interposition advisable, the
president added...." Congress may be assured
that nothing within constitutional and legal limits

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 377

which may depend on me shall be wanting to as- CHAP. v.
sert and maintain the just authority of the laws. 1793.
In fulfilling this trust, I shall count entirely on
the full co-operation of the other departments of
government, and upon the zealous support of all
good citizens."

After noticing various objects which would re-
quire the attention of the legislature, the presi-
dent addressed himself particularly to the house of
representatives and said " I entertain a strong
hope that the state of the national finances is now
sufficiently matured to enable you to enter upon a
systematic and effectual arrangement for the re-
gular redemption and discharge of the public
debt, according to the right which has been
reserved to the government. No measure can be
more desirable, whether viewed with an eye to
its intrinsic importance, or to the general senti-
ments and wish of the nation."

The addresses of the two houses in answer to
the speech were, as usual, respectful and affec-
tionate. The several subjects recommended to
the attention of congress were noticed either in
general terms, or in a manner to indicate a coin-
cidence of sentiment between the legislative and
executive departments. By both houses, the
turbulent spirit which had manifested itself in
certain parts of the union was mentioned 'with a
just degree of censure, and the measures adopted
by the president, as well as the resolution he
expressed to compel obedience to the laws, were
approved ; and the house of representatives, in the
most unqualified terms, declared opinions in fa-

VOL. v. c c c

78 THE LIFE OF

IAP. v. v°ur of systematic and effectual arrangements for

1792. discharging the public debt. But the subsequent

proceedings of the legislature did not completely

fulfil the expectations excited by this auspicious

commencement of the session.

At an early day, in a committee of the whole
house on the president's speech, Mr. Fitzsimmons
moved "that measures for the reduction of so
much of the public debt as the United States have
a right to redeem, ought to be adopted : and that
the secretary of the treasury be directed to report
a plan for that purpose."

This motion was objected to by Mr. Madison
as being premature. The state of the finances, he
thought, was not sufficiently understood to au-
thorize the adoption of the measure it contem-
plated. The debate however soon took a different
direction. That part of the resolution which pro-
posed a reference to the secretary of the treasury
was particularly opposed ; and an ardent discussion
ensued, in which, without much essential varia-
tion, the arguments which had before been urged
on the same subject were again employed. After
a vehement contest, the motion to amend the re-
solution by striking out the proposed reference
was overruled, and it was carried in its original
form.

In obedience to this order of the house of repre-
sentatives, the secretary in a few days made a
report, in which he proposed a plan for the annual
redemption of that portion of the debt, the pay-
ment of which was warranted by the contract be-
tween the United States and their creditors. But
the expenses of the Indian war rendering it, in

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3-79

his opinion, unsafe to rest absolutely on the CHAP.V.
existing revenue, a small addition was proposed 1792""
to be raised by extending the internal taxes to
pleasure horses, or pleasure carriages, as the
legislature might deem most eligible. The con-
sideration of this report was deferred on various
pretexts ; and a motion was made to reduce the
military establishment. The debate on this sub-
ject was peculiarly earnest, and in its progress the
mode of conducting the Indian war, the relative
merits and expensiveness of militia and of regular
troops, and the danger to liberty from standing
armies, were elaborately discussed. It was not
until the fourth of January that the motion was .„ „
rejected. While that question remained undecided,
the report of the secretary was unavoidably post-
poned, because, on its determination would de-
pend, in the opinion of many, the necessity of ad-
ditional taxes. It would seem not improbable that
the opponents of the American system of finances,
who constituted rather a minority of the present
congress, but who indulged sanguine hopes of
becoming the majority in the next, were desirous
of referring every question relating to the treasury
department to the succeeding legislature, in which
there would be a more full representation of the
people. Whatever might be the operating motives
for delay, neither the extension of the law impo-
sing a duty on spirits distilled within the United
States to the territory northwest of the river Ohio,
nor the plan for redeeming the public debt, which
was earnestly pressed by the administration, could
be carried through the present congress. Those
c c c 2

380 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. v. who claimed the favour and confidence of the peo-
1793 pie as a just reward for their general attachment
to liberty, and especially for their \v-atchfulness to
prevent every augmentation of debt, were found in
opposition to^a system for its diminution, which
was urged by men who were incessantly charged
with entertaining designs for its excessive accumu-
lation, in order to render it the corrupt instrument
of executive influence. It might be expected that
the public attention would be attracted to such a
circumstance. But when party passions are highly
inflamed, men do not reason as at other times,
nor do they draw from any premises those conclu-
sions which would be formed by persons who are
strangers to the influential motives of the day.
The assertion that the existing revenues, if not
prodigally or corruptly wasted, were sufficient for
the objects contemplated by the president in his
speech, would constitute an ample apology for the
impediments thrown in the way of a system which
could not be directly disapproved.

Soon after the motion for the reduction of the
military establishment was disposed of, another
subject was introduced which effectually post-
poned, for the present session, every measure
connected with the finances of the nation.

An act of congress which passed on the fourth
of August 1790, had authorized the president to
cause to be borrowed any sum not exceeding
twelve millions of dollars, to be applied in pay-
ment of the foreign debt of the United States.

A subsequent act which passed on the 12th of
the same month, authorized another loan not ex-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 33!

ceeding two millions, to be applied, in aid of the CH.VP.V.
sinking fund, towards the extinguishment of the 1793.
domestic debt.

A few days thereafter, a power to make these
loans was delegated by the president to the secre-
tary of the treasury by a general commission
referring to the acts, but not discriminating be-
tween the loans. This commission was accom-
panied by written instructions prescribing the
conduct to be observed with respect to the foreign
debt. A payment of such sums as should become
due at the end of the year 1791 was positively
directed ; but with respect to the residue, the
secretary was to be regulated by the interests of
the United States.

Under this commission two loans were nego-
tiated in 1790, and others at subsequent periods.

As many considerations of convenience opposed
such an arrangement as wrould appropriate all the
monies arising from either of these loans to one
ot/ject, to the total exclusion of the other ; and
no motive was perceived for thus unnecessarily
fettering the operations of the treasury ; each loan
was negotiated under both laws; and consequently
the monies produced by each were applicable to
both objects, in such proportions as the president
might direct. It has been already observed that
his written instructions had ordered the payment
of those instalments of the foreign debt which
should become due before the first of January
1792; but no further sums on that account were
to be borrowed until supplemental orders to that
effect should be given, unless a loan could be

382 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, v. made on such terms as would render it advan-
179& tageous to the United States 'to anticipate the
payments to their foreign creditors. It being the
opinion of both the president and secretary that
the official powers of the latter authorized him to
draw the monies borrowed for domestic purposes
into the treasury, where they would form a part
of the sinking fund, and be applicable to the
objects of that fund in conformity with the laws
of appropriation, no written instructions were
given respecting that part of the subject ; but in
the progress of the business, every material step
which was taken was communicated to the presi-
dent, and his directions obtained upon it. While
the chief magistrate remained at the seat of gov-
ernment, these communications were verbal; when
absent, they were made by letter. Considerable
latitude of discretion was allowed to the secretary,
he taking care not to transcend the limits pre-
scribed by the laws he was to execute.

At this period, the domestic debt bore a lt>w
price in the market, and foreign capital was
pouring into the United States for its purchase.
The immediate application of the sinking fund to
this object would consequently acquire a large
portion of the debt, and would also accelerate its
appreciation, so as to enable the present holders,
who would sell chiefly to foreigners, to obtain a
more adequate compensation for the property they
should transfer, than could be expected should
the government keep out of the market. The
best interests of the United States, and his own
fame, thus impelling the secretary to give the

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3 g

operations of the sinking fund the utmost activity- CHAP. v.
of which it was susceptible, he had, with the 1793.
approbation of the president, directed a part of
the first loan to be paid in discharge of the instal-
ments of the foreign debt which were actually
due, and had drawn a part of it into the public
treasury in aid of the sinking fund.

In May 1791, instructions were given to the
agent of the United States in Europe to apply the
proceeds of future loans as they should accrue in
payments to France, except as to such sums as
should be previously and specially reserved. In
the execution of these instructions some delay
intervened which was to be ascribed, among other
causes, to representations made by the French
minister of marine that a plan would be adopted,
to which a decree of the national assembly was
requisite, for converting a large sum into supplies
for St. Domingo : and to a desire on the part of the
agent to settle, previously to further payments, a
definitive rule by which the monies paid should
be liquidated and credited to the United States.
The disordered state of French affairs protracted
both the one and the other of these causes of delay
to a later period than had been expected ; and, in
the mean time, the secretary continued to draw
into the United States such portions of these loans,
as were destined to be brought in aid of the sinking
fund. Such was the state of this transaction,
when the commencement of those calamities which
have finally overwhelmed St. Domingo induced
the American government, on the urgent appli-
cation of the French minister, to furnish supplies

384. THE LIFE OF

CHAP. v. to that ill fated colony in payment of the debt to
1793. France. This being a' mode of payment which,
to a certain extent, was desired by the creditor
and was advantageous to the debtor, a consequent
disposition prevailed to use it so far as might com-
port with the wish of the French government ; and
a part of the money designed for foreign purposes
was drawn into the United States. In the course
of these operations, a portion of the instalments
actually due to France had been permitted to re-
main unsatisfied.

A part of the money borrowed in Europe being
thus applicable to the extinguishment of the
domestic debt, and a part of the domestic revenue
being applicable to the payment of interest due
on the loans made in Europe, the secretary of the
treasury had appropriated a part of the money
arising from foreign loans to the payment of in-
terest due abroad, which had been replaced by
the application of money in the treasury arising
from domestic resources, to the purchase of the
domestic debt.

The secretary had not deemed it necessary to
communicate these operations in detail to the
legislature : but some hints respecting them having
been derived either from certain papers which
accompanied a report made to the house of repre-
sentatives early in the session, or from some
other source, Mr. Giles, on the 23d of January,
moved several resolutions, requiring information
not only on the various points growing out of these
loans, and of the application of the monies arising

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 335

from them, but also respecting the persons, * who CHAP. v.
had been employed as agents in paying and receiv- 1793.
ing the foreign debt, and respecting the unapplied
revenues of the United States, and the places in
which the sums so unapplied were deposited. In
the speech introducing tnese resolutions, obser-
vations were made which very intelligibly implied
charges of a much more serious nature than in-
attention to the exact letter of an appropriation
law. Estimates were made to support the position
that a large balance of public money was unac-
counted for.

The resolutions were agreed to without debate ;
and, in a few days, the secretary transmitted a
report which, in three successive numbers, con-
veyed as far as was practicable, all the information
that was required.

This report comprehended a full exposition of
the views and motives which had regulated the
conduct of the department, and a very able justi-
fication of the measures which had been adopted.
It expressed in general terms, that in addition to
his original instructions, the trust of making the
loans was of course subject to the directions of
the president, to be given from time to time as
occasion might require ; but omitted explicitly
to state that the drawing of part of the money

* This information is understood to have been requested
in the expectation that it might furnish some matter of crim-
ination against the minister of the United States at Paris,
who was not a favourite with the republicans in France;
but these expectations were completely disappointed.

VOL. V. D d d

386 THE LIFE OF

CHAp. v. borrowed in Europe into the United States had
1793. received his sanction. ...It is also chargeable with
some expressions which cannot be pronounced
unexceptionable, but which may find their apology
in the feelings of a mind conscious of its own
uprightness, and wounded by believing that the
proceedings against him had originated in a spirit
intirely distinct from that of fair inquiry.

These resolutions, the observations which ac-
companied them, and the first number of the re-
port, were the signals for a combined attack on
the secretary of the treasury through the medium
of the press. Many anonymous writers appeared,
who assailed the head of that department with a
degree of bitterness indicative of the spirit in
which the inquiry was to be conducted, at least
before the tribunal of the public.

On the 27th of February, not many days after

the last number of the report was received, Mr.

Resolutions Giles moved sundry resolutions which were pre-

implicating

ofethectreea.ry dicatecl on the information before the house. The
:d' idea of a balance unaccounted for was necessarily
relinquished; but the secretary of the treasury
was charged with neglect of duty in failing to
give congress official information of the monies
drawn by him from Europe into the United States;
with violating the law of the fourth of August
1790, by applying a portion of the principal
borrowed under it to the payment of interest, and
by drawing a part of the same monies into the
United States, without instructions from the pre-
sident: with deviating from the instructions of
the president in other respects : with negotiating

GEORGE WASHINGTON. ££-7

a loan at the bank contrary to the public interest, CHAP.V.
while public monies to a greater amount than 1795
were required, lay unemployed in the bank : and
with an indecorum to the house, in undertaking
to judge of its motives in calling for information
which was demandable of him from the constitu-
tion of his office ; and in failing to give all the
necessary information within his knowledge rela-
tive to subjects on which certain specified re-
ferences had been previously made to him.

These criminating resolutions were followed by
one directing that a copy of them should be trans-
mitted to the president of the United States.

The debate on this subject, which commenced
on the 28th of February, was continued to the
first of March, and was conducted with a spirit of
acrimony towards the secretary, demonstrating the
soreness of the wounds that had been given and
received in the political and party wars which
had been previously waged.* It terminated a
quarter before twelve in the afternoon, by a rejec-
tion of all the resolutions. The highest number
voting in favour of any one of them was sixteen.

On the third of March, a constitutional period Congr<!M
was put to the existence of the present congress. ad
The members separated with obvious symptoms
of extreme irritation ; and it was not to be doubted
that their utmost efforts would be exerted, to
communicate to their constituents the ill humour
which rankled in their own bosoms. Various
causes, the most prominent of which have already

* See Note, M>. VI. at the end of the Volume.

D dd2

388 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. v. been noticed, had combined to organize two
1793. distinct parties in the United States, which were
rapidly taking the form of a ministerial and an op-
position party. By that in opposition, the president
was not yet openly renounced. His personal
influence was too great to be encountered by a
direct avowal that he was at the head of their
adversaries; and his public conduct did not admit
of a suspicion that he could allow himself to rank
as the chief of a party. Nor was it possible for
public opinion to implicate him in the ambitious
plans and dark schemes for the subversion of
liberty, which were ascribed to a part of the
administration, and to the leading members who
had advocated the measures of finance adopted
by the legislature.

Yet it was becoming apparent that things were
taking a course which must inevitably involve
him, in some degree, in the political conflicts
which were about to take place. It was apparent
that the charges against the secretary of the trea-
sury would not be relinquished, and that they
were of a nature essentially to affect the chief
magistrate, should his countenance not be with-
drawn from that officer. There were too, ap-
pearances, not to be misunderstood, that the
fervor of democracy which was perpetually mani-
festing itself in the papers in invectives against
levees, against the trappings of royalty, and against
the marks of peculiar respect* which were paid

* On the 22d of February, the birth day of the president,
a motion was made to adjourn for half an hour. It was
perfectly understood that this motion was made to give the

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 389

to the president, must soon include him more CHAP. v.
pointedly in its strictures. 1793.

These divisions, which are inherent in the
nature of popular governments, by which the
chief magistrate, however unexceptionable his
conduct, and however exalted his character, must,
sooner or later, be more or less aftected, were
beginning to be essentially influenced by the great
events of Europe.

That revolution which has been the admiration, fheTlndf
the wonder, and the terror of the civilized world, wiiudbcn

on parties in

had, from its commencement, been viewed m*^snited
America with the deepest interest. In its first
stage, but one sentiment respecting it prevailed ;
and that was a belief, accompanied with an ardent
wish that it would meliorate the condition of
France, extend the blessings of liberty, and pro-
mote the happiness of the human race. When
the labours of the convention had terminated in a
written constitution, this unanimity of opinion

members an opportunity of waiting on the chief magistrate
to make the compliments adapted to the occasion.

This was seriously opposed, and the ayes and noes called
upon the question. The adjournment was carried by forty- -
one to eighteen. The day was celebrated by several com-
panies, and some toasts were published manifesting the deep
sense which was entertained of the exalted services of this
illustrious citizen. These circumstances gave great umbrage
to some of those who could perceive monarchical tendencies
in every act of respect, and the offenders were rebuked in the
National Gazette for sitting up an idol who might become
dangerous to liberty, and for the injustice of neglecting all
his compatriots of the revolution, and ascribing to him the
praise which was due to others.

390 THE LIFE OF

CHAP.V. was in some degree impaired. By a few who had
IT93. thought deeply on the science of government,
and who, if not more intelligent, certainly judged
more dispassionately than their fellow citizens,
that instrument was believed to contain the prin-
ciples of self destruction. It was feared that a
system so ill balanced could not be permanent.
On the same persons, a deep impression was made
by the influence of the galleries over the legis-
lature, and of mobs over the executive; by the
tumultuous assemblages of the people, and the
excesses which were practiced during the short
and sickly existence of the regal authority. These
did not .appear to be the symptoms of a healthy
constitution, or of genuine freedom. Persuaded
that the present state of things could not last,
they doubted, and they feared for the future.

In total opposition to this sentiment was that of
the public. There seems to be something infec-
tious in the example of a powerful and enlightened
nation verging towards democracy, which im-
poses on the human mind, and leads human
reason in fetters. Novelties introduced by such
a nation are stripped of the objections which had
been preconceived against them, and opinions
which seemed the best settled, yield to the over-
whelming weight of such dazzling authority. It
presents the semblance of being the sense of
mankind, breaking loose from the shackles which
had been imposed by artifice, and asserting the
freedom and the dignity of his nature.

The constitution of France therefore was gene-
rally received with unqualified plaudits. The

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 39 ^

establishment of a legislature consisting of a CHAP. v.
single body, was not only defended as being 1793<
adapted to the particular situation of that country,
but found many advocates who maintained the
abstract principle, that it was right in itself.
Certain anonymous writers who supported the
theory of a balanced government were branded as
the advocates of royalty, and of aristocracy. To
question the duration of the present order of
things was thought to evidence an attachment
to unlimited monarchy, or a blind prejudice in
favour of British institutions ; and the partiality
of America in favour of a senate was visibly
declining.

In this stage of the revolution however, the
division of sentiment was not marked with suffi-
cient distinctness, nor the passions of the people
agitated with sufficient violence, for any powerful
effect to be produced on the two parties in
America. But when the monarchy was com-
pletely overthrown, and a republic decreed,* the

* This event was announced to the president by the minister
plenipotentiary of France at Philadelphia, in February 1793.
Through the secretary of state, an answer was returned of
which the following is an extract, " the president receives
with great satisfaction this attention of the executive council,
and the desire they have manifested of making known to us
the resolution entered into by the national convention even
before a definitive regulation of their new establishment could
take place. Be assured sir, that the government and the
citizens of the United States, view with the most sincere
pleasure, every advance of your nation towards its happiness,
an object essentially connected with its liberty, and they con-
sider the union of principles and pursuits between our two

392 THE LIFE OF

CHAP- v- people of the United States seemed electrified by
1793. the measure, and its influence was felt by the
whole society. The war in which the several
potentates of Europe were engaged against France,
although in almost every instance declared by that
power, was pronounced to be a war for the extir-
pation of human liberty, and for the banishment
of free government from the face of the earth.
The preservation of the constitution of the United
States was supposed to depend on its issue, and
the coalition against France was treated as a coali-
tion against America also.

A cordial wish for the success of the French
arms, or rather that the war might terminate
without any diminution of French power, and in
such a manner as to leave the people of that coun-
try free to choose their own form of government,
was perhaps universal ; but, respecting the pro-
bable issue of their internal conflicts, the same
perfect unanimity did not prevail. By some few
individuals, the practicability of governing by a
system formed on the republican model, an im-
mense, populous, and military nation, whose
institutions, habits, and morals, were adapted to
monarchy, and which was surrounded by armed
neighbours, was deemed a problem which time
alone could solve. The circumstances under

countries as a link which binds still closer their interests and
affections.

"We earnestly wish, on our part, that these our mutual
dispositions may be improved to mutual good, by establishing
our commercial intercourse on principles as friendly to nat-
ural right and freedom as are those of our governments."

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 393

which the abolition of royalty was declared, the CHAP. v.
massacres which preceded it, the scenes of tur- 1793i
bulence and violence which were acted in every
part of the nation, appeared to them to present an
awful and doubtful state of things, respecting
which no certain calculations could be made ; and
the idea that a republic was to be introduced and
supported by force, was to them a paradox in
politicks. Under the influence of these appear-
ances, the apprehension was entertained that if
the ancient monarchy should not be restored, a
military despotism would be established. By the
many, these unpopular doubts were deemed un-
pardonable heresies, and the few to whom they
were imputed were pronounced hostile to liberty.
A suspicion that the unsettled state of things in
France had contributed to suspend the payment of
the debt to that nation, had added something to
the asperity with which the resolutions on that
subject were supported ; and the French revolution
will be found to have had an influence by no means
inconsiderable on the strength of parties, and on
the subsequent political transactions of the United
States.

VOL. v. Bee

THE LIFE OF

:',":;.
CHAPTER VI.

G. Washington again unanimously elected president..*. War
between Great Britain and France... Queries put by the
president to his cabinet in relation to the conduct proper to
be adopted by the American government in consequence
of this event. -..Proclamation of neutrality.. ..Arrival of Mr.
Genet as minister from France.. -His conduct.. ..Illegal
proceedings of the French cruisers... .Opinions of the
cabinet in relation thereto... State of parties.. ..Democratic
societies formed.. .Genet calculates upon the partialities of
the American people for France, and openly insults their
government.. ..Rules laid down by the executive in relation
to the powers at war within the ports of the United States
....The president requests the recall of Genet, ...British
order of 1793. ...Decree of the national convention relative
to neutral commerce.

THE term for which the president and vice
president had been elected being to expire on the
third of March, the attention of the public had
been particularly directed to the choice of persons
who should fill those high offices for the ensuing
four years. Respecting the president, but one
opinion prevailed. From various motives, all
parties Concurred in the earnest desire that the
present chief magistrate would continue to afford
his services to his country. Yielding to the
weight of the representations made to him from
various quarters, general Washington had been
prevailed upon to withhold a declaration he had
at one time proposed to make of his determination
to retire from the toils of political life.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 355

: Respecting the person who should fill the office CHAP.VI.
of vice president, the public was divided. The 1793.
profound statesman who had been called to the
duties of that station had drawn upon himself a
great degree of obloquy, by some political tracts
in which he had laboured to maintain the propo-
sition, that a balance in government was essential
to the preservation of liberty. In these disqui-
sitions, he was supposed by his opponents to have
discovered sentiments not unfavourable to distinct
orders in society; and although he had spoken
highly of the constitution of the United States, it
was imagined that his balance could be maintained
only by hereditary classes. He was also under-
stood to be friendly to the system of finance which
had been adopted, and he was believed to be
among the few who questioned the durability of
the French republic. His great services, and
acknowledged virtues were therefore disregarded,
and a competitor was sought for among those
who had distinguished themselves in the opposi-
tion. That the choice would have fallen upon
Mr. Jefferson canr.ot be questioned, had not the
constitution imposed a restriction on the power of
the electors which would necessarily deprive him
of the vote to be given by Virginia. The regu-
lation was positive, that of the two persons voted
for, one at least should not be an inhabitant of the
same state with the particular electoral body.
General Washington and Mr. Jefferson xvere both
inhabitants of Virginia. It was therefore neces-
sary to designate some other character to be held
up in opposition to Mr. Adams, and George

E ee 2

396 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, vi Clinton the governor of New York was selected
1793. f°r this purpose.

Throughout the war of the revolution, this
gentleman had filled the office of chief magistrate
of his native state ; and, under circumstances of
real difficulty, had discharged its duties with a
courage and an energy which secured the esteem
of the commander in chief, and gave him a fair
claim to the favour of his country. Embracing
afterwards with ardour the system of state supre-
macy, he had contributed greatly to the rejection
of the resolutions for investing congress with the
power of collecting an impost on imported goods,
and had been conspicuous for his determined
opposition to the adoption of the constitution of
the United States. With respect to the measures
of the government, his sentiments were under-
stood to concur with those of the minority, and it
was not doubted that they would give him their
cordial support.

Both parties seemed confident in their strength,

and by both the utmost exertions were made.

G. washing- On opening the ballots in the senate chamber,

eTeVUJedOUSly ^ appeared that the unanimous suffrage of his

president. COuiitry had been once more conferred on general

Washington, and that Mr. Adams had received a

plurality of the votes.

The unceasing endeavours of the executive to
terminate the Indian war by a treaty had at length
succeeded with the savages of the Wabash ; and
through the intervention of the Six Nations, those
of the Miamis had also been induced to consent
to a conference to be held in the course of the
ensuing spring. The probability was against a

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 397

successful issue to this negotiation. It was un- CHAP. VL
derstood that the Indians designed to contend for 1793.
the Ohio as a boundary, and that they insisted on
the presence of British commissioners at the
treaty. Yet, in the hope that the pacific temper of
America might possibly be met by suitable dis-
positions on the part of these savages, all offensive
operations were still further suspended ; but, in
the mean time, the recruiting business was inde-
fatigably urged, and the most assiduous attention
was paid to the discipline of the troops. On their
part, the Indians did not entirely abstain from
hostilities ; and the discontents of the western
people were in no small degree increased by this
temporary prohibition of all incursions into the
country of their enemy. In Georgia, where a
great degree of ill temper respecting the treaty
with the Creeks continued to prevail, a desire to
commence hostilities against the southern Indians
had been unequivocally manifested, and the res-
traints imposed by the government on this desire
increased the irritation against the administration,
which had been uniformly manifested by that
state, since the second session of the first con-
gress.

The Indian war, though of real importance,
was becoming an object of secondary magnitude.
The critical and irritable state of things in France
began so materially to affect the United States as
to require an exertion of all the prudence and all
the firmness of the government. The 10th* of

* The day on which the palace of the Thuilleries was
stormed and the royal government subverted.

398 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, vi. August 1792 was succeeded in that nation hy
1793. such a state of anarchy, and by scenes of so much
blood and horror ; the nation was understood to
be so divided with respect to its future course ;
and the republican party was threatened by such
a formidable external force ; that there was much
reason to doubt whether the fallen monarch would
be finally deposed, or re- instated with a greater
degree of splendour and power than the constitu-
tion just laid in ruins had assigned to him. That
in the latter event any partialities which, in the
interim, might be manifested towards the inter-
mediate possessors of authority, would be recol-
lected with indignation, could not be questioned
by an attentive observer of the vindictive spirit
of parties ;...a spirit which the deeply tragic
scenes lately exhibited could not fail to work up
to its highest possible pitch. Uninstructecl, in a
situation which by his government had been
totally unlocked for, the American minister at
Paris sought to pursue a circumspect line of
conduct which should in no wise commit the
United States. Disappointed at the coldness
which that system required, the executive council
of France communicated the dissatisfaction it
occasioned to their minister at Philadelphia. At
the same time Mr. Morris made full representa-
tions of every transaction to his government, and
requested explicit instructions for the regulation
of his future conduct.

The American administration entertained no
doubt of the propriety of recognizing the existing
authority of France, whatever form it might as-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 399

sume. That every nation possessed a right to CHAP.VL
govern itself according to its own will, to change 1793.
its institutions at discretion, and to transact its
business through whatever agents it might think
proper, were stated to Mr. Morris to be principles
on which the American government itself was
founded, and the application of which could be
denied to no other people. The payment of the
debt so far as it was to be made in Europe might
be suspended only until the national convention
should authorize some power to sign acquittances
for the monies received ; and the sums required
for St. Domingo would be immediately furnished.
These payments would exceed the installments
which had fallen due ; and the utmost punctuality
would be observed in future. These instructions
were accompanied with assurances that the gov-
ernment would omit no opportunity of convincing
the French people of its cordial wish to serve
them ; and wiih a declaration that all circumstances
seemed to destine the two nations for the most
intimate connexion with each other. It was also
pressed upon Mr. Morris to seize every occasion
of conciliating the affections of France to the
United States, and of placing the commerce be-
tween the two countries on the best possible
footing.*

* With this letter were addressed two others to the min-
isters at London and Paris respectively, stating the interest
taken by the president and people of the United States in the
fate of the marquis de La Fayette. This gentleman was de-
clared a traitor by France, and was imprisoned by Prussia.
The ministers of the United States were to avail themselves

400 THE LIFE OF

CHAP.VI. The feelings of the president were in perfect
"T793 unison with the sentiments expressed in this letter.
His attachment to the French nation was as strong
as consisted with a due regard to the interest of
his own ; and his wishes for its happiness were as
ardent as was compatible with the duties of a chief
magistrate to the state over which he presided.
Devoted to the principles of real liberty, and ap-
proving unequivocally the republican form of
government, he hoped for a favourable result from
the efforts which were making to establish that
form by the great ally of the United States, but
was not so transported by those efforts as to involve
his country in their issue, or totally to forget that
those aids which constituted the basis of these
partial feelings were furnished by the family whose
fall was the source of triumph to a large portion
of his fellow citizens.

He therefore still preserved the fixed purpose of
maintaining, so far as it should be in his power,
the neutrality of the United States, however
general the war might be in Europe ; and his
zeal for the revolution did not assume so ferocious
a character as to silence the dictates of humanity,
or of friendship.

Not much time elapsed before an occasion pre-
sented itself for testing the firmness of the reso-

of every opportunity of sounding the way towards his libera-
tion, which they were to endeavour to obtain by informal
solicitations, but if formal ones should be necessary they were
to watch the moment when they might be urged with the
best prospect of success- This letter was written at the sole
instance of the president.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 4Q1

lution he had deliberately taken, and often avowed CHAP. vi.
on the subject of neutrality. 1793~

Early in April, the declaration of war made by warutwetn
France against Great Britain and Holland reached anT?™^.11
the United States. This event seemed to restore
full vivacity to a flame which a peace of ten years
had not been able to extinguish. The prejudices
against Great Britain, which had taken deep root
during the war of the revolution, appeared to
derive fresh vigor from recent events ; and, by a
great proportion of the American people, it was
deemed almost criminal to remain unconcerned
spectators of a conflict between their ancient enemy
and republican France. The feeling upon this,
occasion was almost universal. Men of all parties
partook of it. Disregarding totally the circum-
stances which led to the rupture, except the order
which had been given to the French minister to
leave London, and disregarding equally the fact
that actual hostilities were first commenced by
France, the war was confidently and generally
pronounced a war of aggression on the part of
Great Britain, undertaken for the sole purpose of
imposing a monarchical government on the French
people. The few who did not embrace these
opinions, and they were certainly very few, were
held up as objects of public detestation, and were
calumniated as the tools of Britain and the satel-
lites of despotism.

Yet the disposition to engage in the war, was
far from being general. The inclination of the
public led to a full indulgence of the most extra-
vagant partiality, but not to an involvement in the

VOL. v. F f f

402 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. consequences which that indulgence would infal-
1793, libly produce. The situation of America was
precisely that in which the wisdom and foresight
of a prudent and enlightened government was in-
dispensably necessary to prevent the nation from
inconsiderately precipitating itself into calamities
which its reflecting judgment would avoid.

A sudden and pressing occurrence in his private
affairs had called the president to Mount Vernon,
where he was when intelligence of the rupture
between France and Britain was received in the
United States. Scarcely was this event known
before indications were given in some of the sea
ports, of a disposition to engage in the unlawful
business of privateering on the commerce of the
belligerent powers. In his correspondence*
with the heads of departments, their immediate

* The fallowing is an extract from a letter addressed by the
president an the \"2th of Afiril to the secretary of state.

" War having actually commenced between France and
Great Britain, it behoves the government of this country
to use all the means in its power to prevent the citizens
thereof from embroiling us with either of those powers, by
endeavouring to maintain a strict neutrality- I therefore re-
quire that you will give the subject mature consideration,
that such measures as shall be deemed most likely to effect
this desirable purpose may be adopted without delay ; for I
have understood that vessels are already designated privateers,
and are preparing accordingly. Such other measures as
may be necessary for us to pursue against events which it
may not be in our power to avoid or control, you will also
think of, and lay them before me on my arrival in Philadel-
phia,...for which place I shall set out to-morrow." On the
same day a similar letter was addressed to the secretary of
the treasury.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 4Qj

attention was requested to this interesting subject ; CHAP vr.
and he hastened his return to Philadelphia that 1793(
the proper preventive measures might be maturely
digested and speedily adopted.

On the 17th of April, the president reached auerie3put
the seat of government, and on the 18th he ad- Sn^lffi1"
dressed a circular letter to the cabinet ministers relation to

«'_.'-, . the conduct

inclosing for their consideration a well digested I^°^t°be
series of Questions, the answers to which would got^enf
form a complete system by which to regulate the queucTof

j T T • i o •""*_• ^is event.

conduct of the United States in the arduous
situations that were approaching.*

These queries with some of the answers to them,
though submitted only to the cabinet, found their
way to the leading members of the opposition ;
and were among the unacknowledged but operating
pieces of testimony, on which was founded the ac-
cusation brought against the administration, of
cherishing dispositions unfriendly to the French
republic. In taking a view of the whole ground,
points certainly occurred, and were submitted to
the consideration of the cabinet, on which the
chief magistrate himself felt no doubts. The
ktter to Mr. Morris, which has been already men.
tioned, demonstrates that he had decided on re-
ceiving a minister from the republic ; and of con-
sequence, no minister from any future regent could
be received, unless such regent should derive his
authority from the French nation ; but the intro-
duction of questions relative to these points,
among others with which they were intimately

* See J^ote JVo. VII. at the end of the volume*
Fff2

404 ™£ LIFE OF

CHAP, vi. connected, would present a more full view of the
1793. subject, and was incapable of producing any
mischievous effect, while they were confined to
those for whom alone they were intended.

In the meeting of the heads of departments
and the attorney general, which was held at the
president's house the day succeeding the date of
this letter, it was unanimously agreed, that a pro-
clamation ought to issue, forbidding the citizens
of the United States to take part in any hpstilities
on the seas, with, or against, any of the belligerent
powers; warning them against carrying to any of
those powers articles deemed contraband according
to the modern usages of nations ; and enjoining
them from all acts inconsistent with the duties of
a friendly nation towards those at war.

With the same unanimity, the president was
advised to receive a minister from the republic of
France ; but on the question respecting a quali-
fication to his reception, a division was perceived.
The secretary of state and the attorney general
were of opinion, that no cause existed for departing
in the present instance from the usual mode of
acting on such occasions. The revolution in
France, they conceived, had produced no change
in the relations between the two nations. The
obligations created by pre-existing treaties re-
mained the same ; and there was nothing in the
alteration of government, or in the character of
the war, which could impair the right of France
to demand, or weaken the duty of the United
States faithfully to comply with the engagements
which had been solemnly formed.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 405

The secretaries of the treasury and of war held CHAP. vi.
the opposite opinion. Admitting in its fullest 1793.
latitude the right of a nation to change its polit-
ical institutions according to its own will, they
denied its right to involve other nations, absolutely
and unconditionally ) in the consequences of the
changes which it may think proper to make.
They maintained the right of a nation to absolve
itself from the obligations even of real treaties,
when such a change of circumstances takes place
in the internal situation of the other cbritracting
party, as so essentially to alter the existing state
of things, that it may with good faith be pro-
nounced to render a continuance of the connexion
which result from them, disadvantageous or
dangerous.

They reviewed the most prominent of those trans-
actions which had recently taken place in France,
and noticed the turbulence, the fury, and the injus-
tice with which they were marked. The jacobin
club at Paris, whose influence was well understood,
had even gone so far, previous to the meeting of
the convention, as to enter into measures with the
avowed object of purging that body of those per-
sons, favourers of royalty, who might have escaped
the attention of the primary assemblies. This
review was taken, to shew that the course of the
revolution had been attended with circumstances
which militate against a full conviction of its hav-
ing been brought to its present stage by such a
free, regular, and deliberate act of the nation, as
ought to silence all scruples about the validity of
what had been done. They appeared to doubt

406 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. whether the present possessors of power could be
1793. considered as having acquired it with the real
consent of France, or as having seized it by vio-
lence ; whether the existing system could be con-
sidered as permanent, or merely temporary.

Examining the nature of the engagements which
had been formed between the two nations, and
especially the clause of guarantee ; the course and
character of the French revolution ; the immense
force which the incidents attending that revolution
had armed against the republic ; there was much
reason to fear, whatever might be the issue of
the contest, that a continuance of the close
connexion which had been formed with France,
would, in consequence of this new state of things,
prove dangerous to the safety of the United
States.

They were therefore of opinion, not that the
treaties should be annulled or absolutely sus-
pended, but that the United States should reserve,
for future consideration and discussion, the
question whether the operation of those treaties
ought not to be deemed temporarily and provi-
sionally suspended. Should this be the decision
of the government, they thought it due to a spirit
of friendly and candid procedure, in the most con-
ciliating terms, to apprize the expected minister
©f this determination.

On the questions relative to the application of
the clause of guarantee to the existing war, some
diversity of sentiment also prevailed. The secre-
tary of state and the attorney general conceived,
that no necessity for deciding thereon existed,

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 4Q7

while the secretaries of the treasury and of war CHAP. vi.
were of opinion, that the treaty of alliance was ]793>
plainly defensive, and that the clause of guarantee
did not apply to a war which, having been com-
menced by France, must be considered as offensive
on the part of that power.

Against convening congress, the opinion appears
to have been unanimous.

The cabinet being thus divided on an important
part of the system which, in the present critical
posture of affairs, ought to be adopted by the
executive, the president signified his desire that
the ministers would respectively state to him in
writing the opinions they had formed, together
with the reasoning and authorities by which those
opinions were supported.

The written arguments which were presented
on this occasion, while they attest the labour, and
reflect honour on the talents of those by whom they
were formed, not less than they evince the equal
sincerity and zeal with which the opinions on each
side were advanced, demonstrate an opposition of
sentiment respecting the French revolution which
threatened to shed its influence on all measures
connected with that event, and to increase the
discord which had already found its way into the
cabinet.

So far as respected the reception of a minister
from the French republic without qualifying that
act by any explanations, and the continuing ob-
ligation of the treaties, the president appears to
have decided in favour of the opinions given by
the secretary of state and the attorney general.

4Q8 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, vi. A proclamation of neutrality being deemed a

1793. measure which was rendered advisable by the

tionclra" situation of the United States, the attorney gene-

Deutrahfy. raj was directed to prepare one in conformity with

the principles which had been adopted. On the

22d of April, this instrument was laid before the

cabinet ; and being approved, was signed by the

president and ordered to be published.

This measure derives importance from the
consideration, that it was the commencement of
that system to which the American government
afterwards inflexibly adhered, and to which much
of the national prosperity is to be ascribed. It
is not less important in another view. Being at
variance with the prejudices, the feelings, and
the passions of a large portion of the society, and
being predicated on no previous proceedings of
the legislature, it presented the first occasion
which was thought a fit one for openly assaulting
a character, around which the affections of the
people had thrown an armour theretofore deemed
sacred, and for directly criminating the conduct
of the president himself. It was only by opposing
passions to passions, by bringing the feeling in
favour of France into conflict with those in favour
of the chief magistrate, that the enemies of the
administration could hope to obtain the victory.

For a short time, the opponents of this measure
treated it with some degree of delicacy. The
opposition prints occasionally glanced at the ex-
ecutive ; considered all governments, including
that of the United States, as naturally hostile to
the liberty of the people ; and ascribed to this

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Disposition the combination of European govern- CHAP.
ments against France, and the unconcern with
which this combination was contemplated by the
executive. At the same time, the most vehement
declamations were published, for the purpose of
inflaming the public resentments against Britain ;
of enhancing the obligations of America to France;
of confirming the opinion that the coalition of
European monarchs was directed, not less against
the United States than against that power to which
its hostility was avowed ; and that those who did
not embrace this opinion were the friends of that
coalition, and equally the enemies of America
and France.

These publications, in the first instance suffi-
ciently bitter, quickly assumed a highly increased ,
degree of acrimony.

As soon as the commotions which succeeded
the deposition of Louis XVI. had in some degree
subsided, the attention of the French government
was directed to the United States, and the reso-
lution was taken to recall the minister who had
been appointed by the king, and to replace him
with one who might be expected to enter with
more enthusiasm into the views of the republic.*

The citizen Genet, a gentleman of considerable
talents, and of an ardent temper, who had been
employed during the existence of the monarchy
first, as a sub- clerk in one of the bureaus, and

* See Note .Vc- VIII* at the end of the volume-
VOL. V. G g g

410 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. afterwards as charge d'affaires in Russia, was
1793. selected for this purpose.

The letters he brought to the executive of the
United States, and his instructions, which he
occasionally communicated, wore an aspect in a
high degree flattering to the nation, and decently
respectful to its government. But Mr. Genet was
also furnished with private instructions, which
the course of subsequent events tempted him to
publish. These indicate that, if the American
executive should not be found sufficiently com-
pliant with the views of France, the resolution
had been taken to employ with the people of the.
United States the same policy which was so suc-
cessfully used with those of Europe ; and thus to
effect an object which legitimate negotiations with
the constituted authorities might fail to accom-
plish.
Mr. Genet possessed many qualities which were

miiuw**8 peculiarly adapted to the objects of his mission;

from France. but hg seems ta have been betrayed by the flat-
tering reception which he experienced, and by
the universal fervor expressed for his republic,
into a too speedy disclosure of his intentions.

On the eighth of April he arrived, not at Phi-
ladelphia, but at Charleston, in South Carolina, a
port, the contiguity of which to the West Indies
would give it peculiar convenience as a resort for
privateers. By the governor of that state and by
its citizens, he was received with an enthusiasm
well calculated to dissipate every doubt he might
previously have entertained concerning the dis-
positions on which he was to operate. At this

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

place he continued for several days, receiving CHAP. vi.
extravagant marks of public attachment, during 1793.
which time he undertook to authorize the fitting

O His conduct.

and arming of vessels in that port, enlisting men,
and giving commissions to cruise and commit
hostilities on nations with whom the United
States were at peace. The captures made by
these cruisers were brought into port, and the
consuls of France were assuming under the
authority of Mr. Genet, who was not then recog-
nised as a public minister by the American gov-
ernment, to hold courts of admiralty on them, to
try, condemn, and authorize their sale.

From Charleston, Mr. Genet proceeded by
land to Philadelphia, receiving on his journey, at
the different towns through which he passed,
such marks of enthusiastic attachment as had
perhaps never before been exhibited to a foreign
minister. On the 16th of May, he arrived at the
seat of government, where he had been preceded
by the intelligence of his transactions in South
Carolina. This information did not diminish the
extravagant transports of joy with which he was
welcomed by the great body of the inhabitants.
Means had been taken to render his entry pompous
and triumphal ; and the opposition papers exult-
ingly stated that he was met at Gray's ferry by
** crowds who flocked from every avenue of the
city, to meet the republican ambassador of an
allied nation."

The day succeeding his arrival, he received
congratulatory addresses from particular societies,
and from the citizens of Philadelphia who waited
c gg2

412 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. on him in a body, in which they expressed their
1793* fervent gratitude for the " zealous and disin-
terested aids" which the French people had fur-
nished to America, unbounded exultation at the
success with which their arms had been crowned,
and a positive conviction that on the establishment
of the republic depended the safety of the United
States. The answers to these addresses were well
calculated to preserve the idea of a complete
fraternity between the two nations, and that their
interests were absolutely identified.

On the 18th, the day after being thus accredited
by the citizens of Philadelphia, he was presented
to the president^ by whom he was received with
frankness, and with expressions of a sincere and
Cordial regard for his nation.* In the conver-
sation which took place on this occasion, Mr.
Genet gave the most explicit assurances that, in
consequence of the distance of the United States
from the theatre of action, and of other circum-
stances, France did not wish to engage them in
the war, but would willingly leave them to pursue
their happiness and prosperity in peace. The
more ready faith was given to these declarations,
because it was by no means clear that, in the
actual state of things, France would not derive
advantages from the neutrality of America which
would be a full equivalent for any services which
she might render as a belligerent.

* Mr. Genet afterwards complained that the president
said nothing on this occasion 'respecting the revolution.

•

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 413

Before the ambassador of the republic had CHAP.VI.
reached the seat of government, a long catalogue 1793.
of complaints, partly founded on his proceedings
in Charleston, had been made by the British
minister to the American executive.

This catalogue was composed of the assump-
tions of sovereignty already mentioned ; . . .assump-
tions calculated to render America an instrument
of hostility to be wielded by France against those
powers with which she might be at war.

These were still further aggravated by thejjjj*^
commission of actual hostilities within the terri- SSf11
tories of the United States. The ship Grange, a
British vessel which had been cleared out from
Philadelphia, was captured by the French frigate
L'Ambuscade within the capes of the Delaware,
while on her way to the ocean.

The prizes thus unwarrantably made, being
brought within the power of the American gov-
ernment, Mr. Hammond, among other things,
demanded a restitution of them.

On many of the points suggested by the con-
duct of Mr. Genet, and by the memorials of the
British minister, it would seem impossible that
any difference of opinion could exist among intel-
ligent men, not under the dominion of a blind
infatuation. Accordingly it was agreed in the
cabinet, without a dissenting voice, that, the
jurisdiction of every independent nation within
the limits of its own territory being of a nature to
exclude the exercise of any authority therein by
a foreign power, the proceedings complained of,
not being warranted by any treaty, were usurpa-

414 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. tions of national sovereignty, and violations of
1793. neutral rights, a repetition of which it was the
duty of the government to prevent.

It was also agreed that the efficacy of the laws
should be tried against those citizens of the
United States who had joined in perpetrating the
offence.

The question of restitution, except as to the
Grange, was more dubious. The secretary of
state and the attorney general contended that, if
the commissions granted by Mr. Genet were
invalid, the captures were totally void, and the
courts would adjudge the property to remain in.
the former owners. In this point of view therefore,
there being a regular remedy at law, it would be
irregular for the government to interpose.

If, on the contrary, the commissions were good,
then, the captures having been made on the high
seas, under a valid commission from a power at
war with Great Britain, the original right of the
British owner was by the laws of war transferred
to the captor.

The legal right being in the captor, it could
only be taken from him by an act of force, that
is to say, of reprisal for the offence committed,
against the United States in the port of Charleston.
Reprisal is a very serious thing, ought always to
be preceded by a demand and refusal of satisfac-
tion, is generally considered as an act of war, and
never yet failed to produce it in the case of a
nation able to make war.

Admitting the case to be of sufficient impor-
'tance to require reprisal, and to be ripe for that

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 415

step, the power of taking it was vested by the CHAP. vi.
constitution in congress, not in the executive 1793.
department of the government.

Of the reparation for the offence committed
against the United States, they were themselves
the judges, and could not be required by a foreign
nation to demand more than was satisfactory to
themselves. By disavowing the act, by taking
measures to prevent its repetition, by prosecuting
the American citizens who were engaged in it,
the United States ought to stand justified with
Great Britain, and for that power to demand
further reparation would be a wrong on her part.

The circumstances under which these equip-
ments had been made, in the first moments of the
war, before the government could have time to take
precautions against them, and its immediate dis-
approbation of those equipments, must rescue it
from every imputation of being accessary to them,
and had placed it with the offended not the offend
ing party.

Those gentlemen were therefore of opinion tfiat
the vessels which had been captured on the higfc
seas and brought into the United States by priva-
teers fitted out and commissioned in their ports,
ought not to be restored.

By the secretaries of the treasury and of war
the opposite advice was given. They urged that
a neutral, permitting itself to be made an instru-
ment of hostility by one belligerent against
another, became thereby an associate in the war.
If land or naval armaments might be formed by.
France within the United States, for the purpose

416 T1IE LIFE OF

CHAP. v*. of carrying on expeditions against her enemy, and
1793. might return with the spoils they had taken, and
prepare new enterprises, it was apparent that a
state of war would exist between America and
those enemies of the worst kind for them : since,
while the resources of the country were employed
in annoying them, the instruments of this annoy-
ance would be occasionally protected from pursuit,
by the privileges of an ostensible neutrality. It
was easy to see that such a state of things could
not be tolerated longer than until it should be
perceived.

It being confessedly contrary to the duty of the
United States, as a neutral nation, to suffer pri-
vateers to be fitted in their ports to annoy the
British trade, it seemed to follow that it would
comport with their duty to remedy the injury
which may have been sustained when it is in their
j)ower so to do.

That the fact had been committed before the
government could provide against it might be an
excuse, but not a justification. Every govern-
ment is responsible for the conduct of all parts of
the community over which it presides, and is
supposed to possess at all times the means of
preventing infractions of its duty to foreign nations.
In the present instance the magistracy of the place
ought to have prevented them. However valid
this excuse might have been, had the privateers
expedited from Charleston been sent to the French
dominions, there to operate out of tfie reach of the
United States, it could be of no avail when their
prizes were brought into the American ports, and

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 417

the government thereby completely enabled to CHAP. vi.
administer a specific remedy for the injury. 1793i

Although the commissions, and the captures
made under them, were valid as between the par-
ties at war, they were not so as to the United
States. For the violation of their rights, they had
a claim to reparation, and might reasonably de-
mand, as the reparation to whichthey were entitled,
restitution of the property taken, with or without
an apology for the infringement of their sove-
reignty. This they had a right to demand as a
species of reparation consonant with the nature of
the injury, and enabling them to do justice to the
party in injuring whom they had been made in-
strumental. It could be no j ust cause of complaint
on the part of the captors that they were required
to surrender a property, the means of acquiring
which took their origin in a violation of the rights
of the United States.

On the other hand, there was a claim on the
American government to arrest the effects of
the injury or annoyance to which it had been,
made accessary. To insist therefore on the res-
titution of the property taken, would be to
enforce a right in order to the performance of a
duty.

These commissions, though void as to the
United States, being valid as between the parties,
the case was not proper for the decision of the
courts of justice. The whole was an affair be-
tween the governments of the parties concerned,
to be settled by reasons of state, not rules of
law. It was the case of an infringement of na-

VOL. v. H hh

THE LIFE OF

CHAP, vi. tional sovereignty to the prejudice of a third party,
1793. in which the government was to demand a repa-
ration, with the double view of vindicating its
own rights, and of doing justice to the suffering
party.

They therefore were of opinion that in the case
stated for their consideration, restitution ought to
be made.

On the point respecting which his cabinet was
divided, the president took time to deliberate.
Those principles on which a concurrence of sen-
timent had been manifested being considered as
settled, the secretary of state was desired to
communicate them to the ministers of France and
Britain,* and circular letters were addressed to
the executive authority of the several states, re-
quiring their co-operation, with force if necessary,
in order to execute the rules which were esta-
blished.

The citizen Genet was much dissatisfied with
these decisions of the American government. He
thought them contrary to natural right, and sub-
versive of the treaties by which the two nations
were connected. In his exposition of these
treaties, he claimed for his own country all that
the two nations were restricted from conceding to
others, thereby converting negative limitations
into an affirmative grant of privileges to France.

* The letters making this communication were dated on the
15th of May ; and that designed for the French minister was
transmitted to Mr- Ternan, and by him delivered to Mr-
Genet, who, as has been stated, arrived in Philadelphia the
succeeding day.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Without noticing a want of decorum in some CHAP. vi.
of the expressions which Mr. Genethad employed, ^793
he was informed that the subjects on which his
letter treated had, from respect to him, been re-
considered by the executive, but that no cause
was perceived for changing the system which had
been adopted. He was further informed that, in
the opinion of the president, the United States
owed it to themselves and to the nations in their
friendship, to expect, as a reparation for the offence
of infringing their sovereignty, that the vessels
thus illegally equipped would depart from their
ports.

In these decisions, Mr. Genet did not seem
disposed to aquiesce. Adhering to his own con-
struction of the existing treaty, he affected to con-
sider the measures of the American government
as infractions of it, which no power in the nation
had a right to make, unless the United States in
congress assembled should determine that their
solemn engagements should no longer be per-
formed. Intoxicated with the sentiments which
were expressed by a great portion of the people,
and unacquainted with the firm character of the
executive, he seems to have expected that the
popularity of his nation would enable him to over-
throw that department, or to render it subservient
to his views. It is difficult otherwise to account
for his persisting to disregard its decisions, and
for passages with which his letters abound, such
as the following.

" Every obstruction by the government of the
United States to the arming of French vessels
Uhh2

420 THE LIFE OF

CHAP vi must be an attempt on the rights of man, upon
~~I793. which repose the independence and laws of the
United States ; a violation of the ties which unite
the people of France and America ; and even a
manifest contradiction of the system of neutrality
of the president ; for, in fact, if our merchant
vessels,* or others, are not allowed to arm them-
selves, when the French alone are resisting the
league of all the tyrants against the liberty of the
people, they will be exposed to inevitable ruin in
going out of the ports of the United States, which
is certainly not the intention of the people of
America. Their fraternal voice has resounded
from every quarter around me, and their accents
are not equivocal. They are pure as the hearts of
those by whom they are expressed, and the more
they have touched my sensibility, the more they
must interest in the happiness of America the
nation I represent ;...the more I wish, sir, that the
federal government should observe, as far as in
their power, the public engagements contracted
by both nations ; and that, by this generous and
prudent conduct, they will give at least to the
world, the example of a true neutrality, which
does not consist in the cowardly abandonment of
their friends in the moment when danger menaces
them, but in adhering strictly, if they can do no
better, to the obligations they have contracted
with them. It is by such proceedings that they

* The regulation alluded to as was stated by Mr. Jefferson
in reply, did not relate to vessels arming for defence, but to
cruisers against the enemies of France.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 42 \

will render themselves respectable to all the CHAP. vt.
powers ; that they will preserve their friends and~
deserve to augment their numbers."

A few days previous to the letter of which the
above is an extract, two citizens of the United
States, who had been engaged by Mr. Genet in
Charleston to cruise in the service of France,
were arrested by the civil magistrate, in pursuance
of the determination formed by the executive for
the prosecution of persons having thus offended
against the laws. Mr. Genet demanded their
release in the following extraordinary terms.

" I have this moment been informed that two
officers in the service of the republic of France,
citizen Gideon Henfield and John Singletary, have
been arrested on board the privateer of the French
republic, the citizen Genet, and conducted to
prison. The crime laid to their charge... the
crime which my mind cannot conceive, and which
my pen almost refuses to state,... is the serving of
France, and defending with her children the com-
mon glorious cause of liberty.

"Being ignorant of any positive law or treaty
which deprives Americans of this privilege, and
authorizes officers of police arbitrarily to take
mariners in the service of France from on board
their vessels, I call upon your intervention, sir, and
that of the president of the United States, in order
to obtain the immediate releasemc nt of the above
mentioned officers, who have acquired by the sen-
timents animating them, and by the act of their
engagement, anterior to every act to the contrary,

422 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. the right of French citizens, if they have lost
1793. that of American citizens."

This lofty offensive style could not fail to make
a deep impression on a mind penetrated with a
just sense of those obligations which bind the
chief magistrate to guard the dignity of his gov-
ernment, and imperiously require that he will not
permit his nation to be degraded in his person.
Yet, in no single instance, did the administration,
in its communications with Mr. Genet, permit
itself to be betrayed into the use of one intem-
perate expression. The firmness with which the
extravagant pretensions of that gentleman were
resisted, proceeding entirely from a sense of duty
and conviction of right, was unaccompanied with
any marks of that resentment which his language
and his conduct were alike calculated to inspire.
A high respect and affection for his nation, with
an earnest desire to promote its interests, so far as
might be compatible with the situation of the
United States, continued to be invariably mani-
fested by the American executive.

sute of From acquiescing in a line of conduct thus deli-

berately adopted and prudently pursued, Mr. Genet
appears to have been prevented by a belief that
the sentiments of the people were in direct oppo-
sition to the measures of their government. So
excessive and so general were the demonstrations
which they made of enthusiastic devotion to
France ; so open were their expressions of outrage
and hostility towards all the powers at war with
that republic ; so thin was the veil which covered
the chief magistrate from that stream of malignant

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 423

opprobrium directed against every measure which CHAP- vi.
thwarted the views of Mr. Genet ; that a person
less sanguine than that minister might have che-
rished the hope of being able ultimately to triumph
over the opposition he experienced. Civic festi-
vals, and other public assemblages of people, at
which the ensigns of France were displayed in
union with those of America ; at which the red
cap, as a symbol of French liberty and fraternity,
triumphantly passed from head to head ; at which
toasts were given expressive of a desire to identify
the people of America with those of France ; and
under the imposing guise of adhering to principles
not to men, containing allusions to the influence
of the president which could not be mistaken ;
appeared to Mr. Genet to indicate a temper ex-
tremely favourable to his hopes, and very different
from that which would be required for the pre-
servation of an honest neutrality. Through the
medium of the press, these sentiments were com-
municated to the public, and were represented as
flowing from the hearts of the great body of the
people. In various other modes, that important
engine contributed its powerful aid to the extension
of opinions calculated essentially to vary the sit-
uation of the United States. The proclamation
of neutrality, which was treated as a royal edict,
was not only considered as assuming powers not
belonging to the executive, and, as evidencing
the monarchical tendencies of that department,
but as demonstrating the disposition of the gov-
ernment to break its connexions with France, and
to dissolve the friendship which united the people

424 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, vi. of the two republics. The declaration that " the
1793. duty and interest of the United States required
that they should with sincerity and good faith
adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impar-
tial towards the belligerent powers," gave pe-
culiar umbrage. The scenes of the revolutionary
war were brought into review ; the object and
effect of British hostility were painted in glowing
colours ; and the important aids afforded by- France
were drawn with a pencil not less animated. That
the conduct of Britain since the treaty of peace
had furnished unequivocal testimony of enmity to
the United States was strongly pressed ; in proof
of which, the detention of the western posts, to
which was ascribed the Indian war, was particu-
larly urged. With this continuing enmity was
contrasted the amicable dispositions professed by
the French republic ; and it was asked with in-
dignation, whether the interests of the United
States required that they should pursue " a line of
conduct entirely impartial between these two
powers ? That the services of the one as well as
the injuries of the other should be forgotten ? that
a friend and an enemy should be treated with equal
favour ? and that neither gratitude nor resentment
should constitute a feature of the American cha-
racter ?" The supposed freedom of the French
was opposed to the imagined slavery of the
English; and it was demanded whether "the
people of America were alike friendly to repub-
licanism and to monarchy, to liberty and to des-
potism?"

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 425

With infectious enthusiasm it was contended, CHAP. vi.
that there was a natural and inveterate hostility 1793>
between monarchies and republics ; that the pre-
sent combination against France was a combination
against liberty in every part of the world ; and
that the destinies of America were inseparably
linked with those of the French republic.

On the various points of controversy which had
arisen between the executive and Mr. Genet,
this active and powerful party openly and decid-
edly embraced the principles for which that min-
ister contended. It was assumed that his demands
were sanctioned by subsisting treaties, and that
his exposition of those instruments was perfectly
correct. The conduct of the executive in with-
holding privileges to which France was said to
be entitled by the most solemn engagements, was
reprobated with extreme acrimony ; was con-
sidered as indicative of a desire to join the coal-
esced despots in their crusade against liberty ; and
as furnishing to the French republic such just
motives for war, that it required all her moderation
and forbearance to restrain her from declaring it
against the United States.

Mr. Genet was exhorted not to relax in his en-
deavours to maintain the just rights of his country,
and was assured that in the affections of the people
he would find a firm and certain support.

These principles and opinions derived consid-
erable aid from the labours and intrigues of certain
societies who had constituted themselves the
guardians of American liberty.

VOL. v. i i i

26 THE LIFE OF

HAP. vi. That attention to the conduct of the legitimate

1793. authorities which is essential in balanced govern-
ments, and which, guided by an enlightened
patriotism, may exert a beneficial influence over
the measures of those who are intrusted with the
powers of the nation, had, in some few instances,
so misconceived the manner in which it might
safely be employed, that temporary and detached
clubs of citizens had occasionally been formed in
different parts of the United States, for the avowed
purpose of watching the conduct of their rulers.
After the adoption of the constitution, some slight
use was made by its enemies of this weapon ; and,
in the German republican society particularly,
many of the most strenuous opponents of the ad-
ministration were collected.

By the French revolution, the force and power
of these institutions had been fully developed ;
and their efficacy in prostrating existing establish-
ments had been clearly ascertained. The in-
creased influence which they derived from corres-
ponding with each other, and thereby acting in
concert, had been unequivocally demonstrated;
and soon * after the arrival of Mr. Genet, a de-
mocratic society was formed in Philadelphia, which
ti«tic seems to have taken for its model the Jacobin club

rmed Qf parjs> ^n anxious solicitude for the preser-
vation of freedom, the very existence of which
was menaced by a " European confederacy trans-
cendent in power and unparalleled in iniquity;"

* Its organization appears to have been completed on the
30th of May.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 427

\vhich was endangered also by " the pride of CHAP. vi.
wealth and arrogance of power," displayed within 1793.
the United States ; was the motive assigned for
the association. " A constant circulation of use-
ful information, and a liberal communication of
republican sentiments, were thought to be the
best antidotes to any political poison with which
the vital principle of civil liberty might be at-
tacked :" and to give the more extensive operation
to their labours, a corresponding committee was
appointed through whom they would communicate
with other societies which might be established
on similar principles throughout the United
States.

Faithful to their supposed founder, and true to
the real objects of their association, these socie-
ties continued, during the term of their political
existence, to be the resolute champions of all the
encroachments attempted by the agents of the
French republic on the government of the United
States, and the steady defamers of the views and
measures of the American executive.

Thus strongly supported, Mr. Genet persisted
in his construction of the treaties which subsisted
between the two nations ; and, in defiance of the
positive determination of the government, con-
tinued to act according to that construction.

An urgent occasion requiring his presence at
Mount Vernon, the president left Philadelphia on
the 24th of June, to which place he returned on
the llth of July. During his absence, the heads
of departments superintended the execution of
those rules which had been previously established.

i i i2

28 THE LIFE OF

HAP. vi. In this short interval, a circumstance occurred,
1793. strongly marking the rashness of the minister of
France, and the disrespect in which he held the
executive of the United States.

The Little Sarah, an English merchantman car-
rying from two to four guns, had been captured
by a French frigate and brought into the port of
Philadelphia, where she was completely equipped
as a privateer. Having mounted fourteen iron
cannon and six swivels, and taken on board about
one hundred and twenty men, several of whom
were Americans, she was just about to sail on a
cruise under the name of la petit Democrat, when
the secretary of the treasury communicated her
situation to the secretaries of state and of war, in
consequence of which governor Mifflin was desired
to cause an examination of the fact. The warden
of the port was directed to institute the proper
inquiries, and late in the evening of the sixth of
July, he reported her situation, and that she was
to sail the next day.

In pursuance of the instructions which had been
given by the president relative to the fitting out
of armed vessels in the ports of the United States
by any of the belligerent powers, the governor
immediately sent Mr. secretary Dallas for the
purpose of prevailing on Mr. Genet to relieve
him from the employment of force, by detaining
the vessel in port until the arrival of the president,
who was then on his way from Mount Vernon.
In terms as conciliating as its nature would permit,
Mr. Dallas communicated this message ta the
French minister. On receiving it he gave a loose

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 429

to the most extravagant passion. After exclaiming CHAP. VL
with vehemence against the measure, he com- 1793.
plained, in strong terms and with many angry

epithets, of the ill treatment which he had received «* par-

tiahne* of

from some of the officers of the general govern- ^ ^2.*
ment, which he contrasted with the cordial at- ando^iy

insults their

tachment that was expressed by the people at large government.
for his nation. He ascribed the conduct of those
officers to principles inimical to the cause of France
and of liberty. He insinuated that by their influ-
ence the president had been misled ; and observed
with considerable emphasis, that the president was
not the sovereign of this country. The powers
of peace and war being vested in congress, it
belonged to that body to decide those questions
growing out of treaties which might involve peace
or war ; and the president therefore ought to have
assembled the national legislature before he ven-
tured to issue his proclamation of neutrality, or
to prohibit, by his instructions to the state gov-
ernors, the enjoyment of the particular rights
which France claimed under the express stipu-
lations of the treaty of commerce. The executive
construction of that treaty was neither just nor
obligatory ; and he would make no engagement
which might be construed into a relinquishment
of rights which his constituents deemed indis-
pensable. In the course of this vehement and
angry declamation, he spoke of publishing his
correspondence with the officers of government,
together with a narrative of his proceedings ; and
said that, although the existing causes would
warrant an abrupt departure, his regard for the

430 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. people of America would induce him to remain
1793. here, amidst the insults and disgusts that he daily
suffered in his official character from the public
officers, until the meeting of congress; and if that
body should agree in the opinions and support the
measures of the president, he would certainly
withdraw, and leave the dispute to be adjusted
between the two nations themselves. When his
attention was again called by Mr. Dallas to the
particular subject, he peremptorily refused to
enter into any arrangements for suspending the
departure of the privateer, and cautioned him
against any attempt to seize her, as she belonged
to the republic, and, in defence of the honour of
her flag, would unquestionably repel force by
force.

On receiving the report of Mr. Dallas, governor
Mifflin ordered out one hundred and twenty
militia for the purpose of taking possession of la
petit Democrat, and communicated the case, with
all its circumstances, to the officers of the execu-
tive government. On the succeeding day, Mr.
Jefferson waited on Mr. Genet, in the hope of
prevailing on him to pledge his word that the
privateer should not leave the port until the arrival
of the president. With Mr. Jefferson, the French
minister was not less intemperate than he had
been with Mr. Dallas. He indulged himself, in a
repetition of nearly the same passionate language,
and again spoke with extreme harshness of the
conduct of the executive. He persisted in refusing
to make any engagements for the detention of the
vessel, and after his rage had in some degree

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43 j[

spent itself, he entreated that no attempt might CHAP.VL
be made to take possession of her, as her crew 1793.
was on board, and force would be repelled by
force.

He then also said that la petit Democrat was
not ready to sail immediately. She would change
her position and fall down the river a small dis-
tance on that day, but he repeated his assertion,
that she was not yet ready to sail, with a coun-
tenance which induced a conviction that she
would abide the determination of the executive.

In communicating this conversation to governor
Mifflin, Mr. Jefferson stated his conviction that
the privateer would remain in the river until the
president should decide on her case ; in conse-
quence of which the governor dismissed the
militia, and requested the advice of the heads of
departments on the course which it would be
proper for him to pursue. Both the governor and
Mr. Jefferson stated that, in reporting the conver-
sation between Mr. Genet and himself, Mr. Dallas
had said that Mr. Genet threatened, in express
terms, " to appeal from the president to the
people."

Thus braved and insulted in the very heart
of the American empire, the secretaries of the
treasury and of war were of opinion that it was
expedient that immediate measures should be
taken provisionally, for establishing a battery on
Mud Island, under cover of a party of militia,
with directions that, if the vessel should attempt
to depart before the pleasure of the president
should be known concerning her, military coer-

432 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. cion should be employed to arrest and prevent her
1793. progress.

From this opinion the secretary of state dis-
sented, and the measure was not adopted. The
vessel fell down to Chester before the arrival of
the president, from which place she sailed before
the power of the government could be interposed.
On the llth of July, the president reached
Philadelphia, and without delay requested that
his cabinet ministers would convene at his house
the next day at nine in the morning.

Among the papers placed in his hands by the
secretary of state, which required immediate
attention, were those which related to the Little
Democrat. On reading them, a messenger was
immediately dispatched for the secretary, but he
had retired indisposed to his seat in the country.
Upon hearing this, the president instantly ad-
dressed a letter to him of which the following is
an extract. " What is to be done in the case of
the Little Sarah, now at Chester ? is the minister
of the French republic to set the acts of this gov-
ernment at defiance witb impunity,... and then
threaten the executive with an appeal to the
people ? what must the world think of such con-
duct? and of the government of the United States
in submitting to it ?

" These are serious questions.... circumstances
press for decision ;...and as you have had time
to consider them (upon me they come unex-
pectedly) I wish to know your opinion upon them
even before to-morrow... for the vessel may then
be gone."

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 433

In answer to this letter, the secretary stated CHAP.VL
the assurances which had on that day been given 1793.
to him by Mr. Genet, that the vessel would not
sail before the president's decision respecting her
should be made. In consequence of this infor-
mation, immediate coercive measures were sus-
pended. In the council of the next day, it was
determined to request the answers of the judges
of the supreme court of the United States to a
series of questions comprehending all the subjects
of difference which existed between the executive
and the minister of France relative to the exposi-
tion of the treaties between the two countries ;
and in the mean time, to retain in port such*
privateers as had been equipped by any of the
belligerent powers within the United States. This
determination was immediately communicated to
Mr. Genet ; but, in contempt of it, the Little
Democrat proceeded on her cruise.

* They were particularly enumerated, and the decision
was also extended to the ship Jane, an English armed mer-
chantman alleged by Mr. Genet to be a privateer, and the
governor was requested to attend to her, and if he found her
augmenting her force and about to depart, to cause her to be
stopped.

The Jane had augmented her armament by replacing four
old gun carriages with new ones, and opening two new port
holes. The request of the British consul that these altera-
tions might be allowed was peremptorily rejected, and direc-
tions were given that she should be restored precisely to the
situation in which she entered the port. Had she attempted
to sail without obeying thtse orders, governor Miflh'n had
taken measures to stop her at Mud Island.
VOL.V. K k k

THE LIFE OF

In this, as in every effort made by the executive
1793. to maintain, with good faith, the neutrality of the
United States, that great party which denominated
itself " THE PEOPLE'* could perceive only a
settled hostility to, France and to liberty, a tame
subserviency to -British policy, and a desire, by
provoking France, to engage America in the war,
for the purpose of extirpating republican prin-
ciples.*

Of the difficulty that would attend an adherence
to the system which had been commenced, the
administration received strong additional evidence
in the acquittal of Gideon Henfield.

It will be recollected that, in pursuance of the
resolution to restrain the citizens of the United
States from engaging in military expeditions
formed within the American territory, a prose-
cution had been instituted against this person.
He had sailed from Charleston on board a French
privateer equipped in that port, which had
brought into Philadelphia the prizes she had
made. This prosecution had been directed under
the advice of the attorney general who was of
opinion, that persons of this description were
punishable for having violated subsisting treaties,
which, by the constitution, are the supreme law
of the land ; and that they were also indictable at
common law, for disturbing the peace of the
United States.

To an act so susceptible of misrepresentation
as was this prosecution, it could not be expected

See Aotc, .-Vb. VIII. at the end of the -volume.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43$

that the democratic party would be inattentive. CHAP- vi.
Their papers sounded the alarm, and it was uni- 1793.
versally asked " what law had been offended, and
under what statute was the indictment supported ?
were the American people already prepared to
give to a proclamation the force of a legislative
act, and to subject themselves to the will of the
executive ? but if they were already sunk to such
a state of degradation, were they to be punished
for violating a proclamation which had not been
published when the offence was committed, if
indeed it could be termed an offence to engage
with France, combating for liberty against the
combined despots of Europe ?"

As the trial approached, a great degree of sen-
sibility was displayed ; and the acquittal of Henfield
was a triumph which was celebrated with extra-
vagant marks of joy and exultation. -The executive
was bereaved by it of the strength to be derived
from an opinion, that punishment might be legally
inflicted on those who should openly violate the
rules prescribed for the preservation of neutrality;
and was exposed to the obloquy of having at.
tempted a measure which the laws would not
justify.

About this time, a question growing out of the
war between France and Britain, the decision of
which would materially affect the situation of the
United States, was presented to the consideration
of the executive.

It will be recollected that during the war which
separated America from Britain, the celebrated
compact termed the armed neutrality was

436 THE LIFE °F

CHAP, vi. in the north of Europe, and notified to the bellig-
1793. erent powers. A willingness to acquiesce in the
principles it asserted, one of which was that free
bottoms should make free goods, was expressed
by the governments engaged in the war, with the
single exception of Great Britain. But however
favourably the United States, as a belligerent,
might view a principle which would promote the
interests of inferior maritime powers, they were
not willing after the termination of hostilities, to
enter into engagements for its support which might
endanger their future peace ; and in this spirit
were instructions given to their ministers in
Europe.

In the treaty of commerce with France, this
principle was engrafted, but with England no
stipulation on the subject had been made. It
followed, that, with France, the character of the
bottom was imparted to the cargo ; but with
Britain, the law of nations was the rule by which
the respective rights of the belligerent and neutral
were to be decided.

Construing this rule to give security to the
goods of a friend in the bottoms of an enemy, and
to subject the goods of an enemy to capture in the
bottoms of a friend, the British cruisers took
French property out of American vessels, and
their courts condemned it as lawful prize.

Against the acquiescence of the American exe-
cutive in this exposition of the law of nations,
Mr. Genet had remonstrated in such terms as he
was accustomed to employ ; and on the ninth of
July, in the moment of the contest respecting the

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 437

Little Democrat, he had written a letter demanding CHAP.VI.
an immediate and positive answer to the question, 1793.
what measures the president had taken, or would
take, to cause the American flag to be respected ?
He observed that " as the English would con-
tinue to carry off with impunity French citizens
and French property found on board of American
vessels, without embarrassing themselves with the
philosophical principles proclaimed by the presi-
dent of the United States," and as the embarrassing
engagements of France deprived her of the privi-
leges of making reprisals at every point, it was
necessary for the interests of both nations, quickly
to agree on taking other measures.

Not receiving an immediate answer, Mr. Genet,
towards the close of July, again addressed the
secretary of state on the subject. In this extra-
ordinary letter, after complaining of the insults
offered to the American flag by seizing the pro-
perty of Frenchmen confided to its protection,
he added, " your political rights are counted for
nothing. In vain do the principles of neutrality
establish that friendly vessels make friendly goods;
in vain, sir, does the president of the United States
endeavour, by his proclamation, to reclaim the
observation of this maxim ; in vain does the de-
sire of preserving peace lead to sacrifice the
interests of France to that of the moment ; in vain
does the thirst of riches preponderate over honour
in the political balance of America : all this man-
agement, all this condescension, all this humility,
end in nothing ; our enemies laugh at it ; and the
French, too confident, are punished for having

438 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. believed that the American nation had a flag, that
1793. they had some respect for their laws, some con-
viction of their strength, and entertained some
sentiment of their dignity. It is not possible for
me, sir, to paint to you all my sensibility at this
scandal which tends to the diminution of your
commerce, to the oppression of ours, and to the
debasement and vilification of republics. It is for
the Americans to make known their generous in-
dignation at this outrage ; and I must confine my self
to demand of you a second time, to inform me of
the measures which you have taken in order to ob-
tain restitution of the property plundered from my
fellow citizens, under the protection of your flag.
It is from our government they have learnt that
the Americans were our allies, that the American
nation was sovereign, and that they knew how to
make themselves respected. It is then under the
very same sanction of the French nation that they
have confided their property and persons to the
safeguard of the American flag, and on her they
submit the care of causing those rights to be res-
pected. But if our fellow citizens have been de-
ceived, if you are not in a condition to maintain
the sovereignty of your people, speak ; we have
guaranteed it when slaves, we shall be able to
render it formidable, having become freemen."

On the day preceding the date of this offensive
letter, the secretary of state had answered that
of the ninth of July, and without noticing the
unbecoming style in which the decision of the ex-
ecutive was demanded, had avowed and defended
the opinion that, " by the general law of nations.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 439

the goods of an enemy found in the vessels of a CHAP. VL
friend, are lawful prize." This fresh insult might
therefore be passed over in silence.

While a hope remained that the temperate for-
bearance of the executive, and the unceasing
manifestations of its friendly dispositions towards
the French republic, might induce the minister of
that nation to respect the rights of the United
States, and to abstain from violations of their
sovereignty, an anxious solicitude not to impair
the harmony which he wished to maintain between
the two republics, had restrained the president
from adopting those measures respecting Mr.
Genet, which the conduct of that gentleman
seemed to require. He had seen a foreign minister
usurp within the territories of the United States
some of the most important rights of sovereignty,
and persist, after the prohibition of the govern-
ment, in the exercise of those rights. In asserting
this extravagant claim, so entirely incompatible
with national independence, the spirit in which it
originated had been pursued, and the haughty
style of a superior had been substituted for the
respectful language of a diplomatic character.
He had seen the same minister undertake to direct
the civil government, and to pronounce, in oppo-
sition to the decisions of the executive, in what
departments the constitution of the United States
had placed certain great national powers. To
render this state of things more peculiarly critical
and embarrassing, the person most instrumental
in producing it, had, from his arrival, thrown
himself into the arms of the people, stretched out

440 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. to receive him, and was emboldened by their fa-
1793. vour, to indulge the hope of succeeding in his
endeavours either to overthrow their government,
or to bend it to his will. But the full experiment
had now been made ; and the result was a con-
viction not to be resisted, that moderation would
only invite additional injuries, and that the present
insufferable state of things could be terminated
only by procuring the removal of the French
minister, or by submitting to become, in his
hands, the mere servile instrument of hostility
against the enemies of his nation. From every
quarter, information was continually received of
fresh aggressions on the principles established by
the government ; and while the executive was thus
openly disregarded and contemned, the members
of the administration were reproached in all the
papers of an active and restless opposition, as the
violators of the national faith, the partisans of mon-
archy, and the enemies of liberty and of France.
The unwearied efforts of that department to
preserve that station in which the various treaties
in existence had placed the nation, were incessantly
calumniated* as infractions of those treaties, and
ungrateful attempts to force the United States into
the war against France.

The judgment of the president was never hastily
formed, but, once made up, it was seldom to be
shaken. Before the last letter of Mr. Geriet was
communicated to him, he seems to have been

* See Aote, J\,'o. IX, at the end of the -volume.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

impressed with the necessity of taking decisive CHAP.VI.
measures respecting that, minister. A letter of
the 25th of July1, addressed to the secretary of
state, contains the following passage. " As the
official conduct of that gentleman (Mr. Genet)
relatively to the affairs of this government, will
have to undergo a very serious consideration, (so
soon as the special court at which the attorney
general is now engaged will allow him to attend
with convenience) in order to decide upon mea-
sures proper to be taken thereupon, it is my
desire that all the letters to and from that minister
may be ready to be laid before me, the heads of
departments, and the attorney general, (whom I
shall advise with on the occasion,) together with
the minutes of such official oral communications
as you may have had with him on the subject of
those letters &c. And as the memorials from the
British minister, and answers thereto, are mate-
rially connected therewith, it will be proper I
conceive to have these ready also."

About this time, it is probable that the diffi-
culties felt by the judges of the supreme court, in
expressing their sentiments on the points referred
to them, were communicated to the executive.
Considering themselves merely as constituting a
legal tribunal for the decision of controversies
brought before them in legal form, those gentle-
men deemed it improper to enter the field of
politics, by declaring their opinions on questions
not growing out of the case before them. This
communication being actually received, or the
emergency being too pressing to admit of further

VOL. v. L 1 1

442 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. delay, the consideration of a complete system of

1793. rules to be observed by the belligerents in the

ports of the United States was taken up, pending

the deliberations on the official conduct of Mr.

Rules laid Genet. These rules were discussed at several

SSSe1^ meetings, and finally, on the third of August, re-

ttepowere ceived the unanimous approbation of the cabinet.

at war

^m'ofthc They* evidence the settled purpose of the execu-
staiel? tive, faithfully to observe all the national engage-
ments, and honestly to perform the duties of that
neutrality in which the war found them, and in
which those engagements left them full liberty to
remain.

At the same time, the question of restoring
prizes brought into the ports of the United States
by privateers which had been fitted out therein,
came on to be reconsidered ; and the opinion that
restitution should be made was unanimously
adopted. Conceiving that this decision ought, in
obedience to the exact obligations of neutrality, to
have relation to the time when the executive first
acted on this subject, it was declared to be the
opinion of the president that in cases of this
description, occurring since the fifth of June,
either restoration of the prizes should be effec-
tuated, or compensation be made. It was also
resolved that privateers so fitted out, should not
in future find an asylum in the American ports.
These resolutions were immediately communi-
cated to the ministers of the powers at war, and
the rules which had been adopted were forwarded
to the governors of the states.

* See ffotey JVo. X, at the end of the volume.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 443

As furnishing more efficacious means for check- CHAP. vr.
ing practices equally improper in themselves and 1793.
embarrassing to the government, it was at the
same time determined to transmit these rules,
and all others entered into on the same subject,
to the respective custom house officers, together
with a list of the privateers to be excluded from
the ports of the United States. The circular
letter conveying these instructions enjoins tliose
officers " to have a vigilant eye upon whatever
may be passing within the ports, harbours, .creeks,
inlets, and waters of their respective districts, of a
nature to contravene the laws of neutrality ; and
upon discovery of any thing of the kind, tp give
immediate notice to the governor of the state, and
to the attorney of the judicial district, compre-
hending the district of the customs within which
any such contravention might happen."

In the same letters, the particular privileges
stipulated for France by treaty were also stated,
and an equal degree of watchfulness for their
preservation was directed.

In the case of the minister of the French
republic, after reviewing the whole of his cor-
respondence and conduct, it was unanimously
agreed that a letter should be written to Mr.
Morris, the minister of the United States at Parifr, ££ raJjLa

• i it ...-the recall of

stating the same to him, resuming the points of Genet,
difference which had arisen between the govern-
ment and Mr. Genet, assigning the reasons for
the opinions of the former, desiring the recall of
the latter, and directing that this letter, with those
which had passed between Mr. Genet and the

L112

444 THE LIFE or

CHAP. vi. secretary of state, and other necessary documents
1793. should be laid before the executive of the French
government.

To a full view of the transactions of the execu-
tive with Mr. Genet, and an ample justification of
its measures, this able diplomatic performance
adds assurances of unvaryingattachment to France,
expressed in such terms of unaffected sensibility,
as to* render it impossible to suspect the sincerity
of the concluding sentiment,..." that, after inde-
pendence and self government, there was nothing
America more sincerely wished than perpetual
friendship with them."

An^adequate idea of the passion it excited in
Mr. Genet, who received the communication in
September at New York, can only be produced
by a perusal of his letter addressed on that occa-
sion to the secretary of state. The asperity of his
language was not confined to the president, whom
he still set at defiance, whom he charged with
transcending the limits prescribed by the consti-
tution, and of whose accusation before congress
he spoke as an act of justice " which the Ameri-
can people, which the French people, which all
free people were interested to reclaim:" nor to
those "gentlemen who had been painted to him
so often as aristocrats, partisans of monarchy,
partisans of England, and consequently enemies
of the principles which all good Frenchmen had
embraced with a religious enthusiasm." Its bit-
terness was also extended to the secretary of state
himself, whom he had been induced to consider
as his personal friend, and who had, he said,

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 445

•'initiated him into mysteries which had inflamed CHAP vr.
his hatred against all those who aspire to an abso- "1793>
lute power."

In the midst of these deliberations of the
executive, Mr. Genet was received in New York
with the same marks of partiality to his nation,
and of flattering regard to himself, which had
been exhibited in the more southern states. Here
too on his part was manifested the same desire to
encourage discontent at the conduct of the ex-
ecutive, and to embark America in the quarrel,
by impressing an opinion that the existence of
liberty depended on the success of the French
republic, which he had uniformly avowed. In
answer to an address from the republican citizens
of New York, who had spoken of the proclamation
of neutrality as relating only to acts of open
hostility, not to the feelings of the heart; and who
had declared that they would "exultingly sacrifice
a liberal portion of their dearest interests could
there result, on behalf of the French republic, an
adequate advantage ;" he said ; " in this respect I
cannot but interpret as you have done the decla-
ration of your government. They must know
that the strict performance of treaties is the best
and safest policy ; they must know that good faith
alone can inspire respectability to a nation; that a
pusillanimous conduct provokes insult, and brings
upon a country those very dangers which it
weakly means to avert.

" There is indeed too much reason to fear that
you are involved in the general conspiracy of
tyrants against liberty. They never will, they

446 THE LIFE OF

CHAP- vi. never can forgive you for having been the first to

1793. proclaim the rights of man. But you will force

them to respect you by pursuing with firmness

the only path which is consistent with your

national honour and dignity.

" The cause of France is the cause of all man-
kind, and no nation is more deeply interested than
you are in its success. Whatever fate awaits her,
you are ultimately to share. But the cause of
liberty is great and it shall prevail.

"And if France, under a despotic yoke, has
been able so successfully to assert your rights,
they can never again be endangered while she is
at liberty to exert, in your support, that powerful
, arm which now defies the combined efforts of a

whole world."

While the utmost exertions were successfully
making to give increased force and a wider extent
to opinions which might subvert the system
adopted by the executive, Mr. Jay, the chief
justice of the United States, and Mr. King, a
senator representing the state, arrived in New-
York from Philadelphia. They had been pre-
ceded by a report which was whispered in private
circles, that the French minister had avowed a
determination to appeal from the president to the
people. The confidential intercourse subsisting
between these gentlemen and a part of the admin,
istration, rendering it probable that this declara-
tion, if made, must have been communicated to
them, they were asked, whether the report was
true ? having received the information through a

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 447

channel* which was entitled to the most implicit CHAP, vi:
faith, they answered that it was. 1793.

Their having said so was controverted ; and
they were repeatedly called upon in the public
papers to admit or deny that they had made such
an assertion. Thus circumstanced, they published
a certificate avowing that they had made the
declaration which was imputed to them.

On a large portion of the people this communi-
cation made a serious impression. The recent
events in Poland, whose dangers of dismember-
ment and partition were easily traced to the
admission of foreign influence, gave additional
solemnity to the occurrence, and led to a more
intent consideration of the awful causes which
could embolden a foreign minister to utter such a
threat.

That party which in the commencement of the
contests respecting the constitution was denomi-
nated federal, had generally supported the mea-
sures of the administration. South of the Potomack
especially, there were certainly many important
exceptions to this arrangement of parties ; yet as
a general arrangement, it was unquestionably
correct.

In the common partialities for France, in the
common hope that the revolution in that country
would be crowned with success, and would pro-
duce important benefits to the human race, they
had fully participated; but in the course to be

* They received it from the secretaries of the treasury
and of war.

448 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. pursued by the United States, the line of separa-
1793. t*on between the two parties was clear and distinct.
The federalists were universally of opinion that,
in the existing war, America ought to preserve a
neutrality as impartial as was compatible with her
treaties ; and that those treaties had been fairly
and justly construed by the executive. Seduced
however by their wishes and by their affections,
they at first yielded implicit faith to the assurances
given by Mr. Genet of the disinclination of the
French republic to draw them from this eligible
position ; and from this belief they receded slowly
and reluctantly.

To an inveterate hostility to those who admin-
istered the government, they were inclined to
ascribe the bitter invectives which were pro-
nounced against the executive ; and, when at
length they were compelled to perceive that the
whole influence of Mr. Genet was employed in
stimulating and pointing these invectives, they
fondly indulged the hope that his nation would not
countenance his conduct. Adding to their undi-
minished attachment to the chief of the executive,
a keen sense of the disgrace, the humiliation, and
the danger of permiting the American govern-
ment to be forced into any system of measures
by the machinations of a foreign minister with
the people, they had occasionally endeavoured,
through the medium of the press, to keep the
public mind correct ; and when it was announced
that an appeal to themselves was threatened, they
felt impelled by the strongest sentiments of patrio-
tism and regard for national honour, to declare the

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 449

indignation which the threat had inspired. In CHAP. vi.
every quarter of the union, the people assembled
in their districts, and the strength of parties was
fully tried. The contest was warm and strenuous.
But public opinion appeared to preponderate
greatly in favour of neutrality, and of the procla-
mation by which its observance was directed. It
was apparent too, that the American bosom still
glowed with ardent affection for their chief magis-
trate ; and that, however successful might have
been the shafts directed against some of those
who shared his confidence, the arrows aimed at
himself had missed their mark.

Yet it was not to be concealed that the indiscreet
arrogance of Mr. Genet, the direct insults to the
president, and the attachment which many, who
were in opposition to the general measures of the
administration, still retained for the person of that
approved patriot, contributed essentially to the
prevalence of the sentiment which was called forth
by the occasion.

In the resolutions expressing the strongest ap-
probation of the executive, and the greatest ab-
horrence of foreign influence, a decided partiality
for France was frequently manifested ; and in those
of a contrary description, respect for the past ser-
vices of the president, and a willingness to support
the executive in the exercise of its constitutional
functions, seemed, when introduced, to be re-
luctantly placed among the more agreeable de-
clarations of detestation for those who sought to
dissolve the union between America and France,
and of the earnestness with which the French re-

VOL. v. M m m

450 THE L1FE OF

CHAP, vv volution ought to be espoused by all the friends
1793. of liberty.

The effect which the certificate of Mr. Jay and
Mr. King might possibly produce was not unfore-
seen ; and Mr. Genet sought to avoid its influence
by involving its veracity in doubt. Not only had
it never been alleged that the exceptionable ex-
pressions were used to the president personally,
but it was certain that they had not been uttered
in his presence. Affecting not to have adverted
to this obvious circumstance, the minister, on
the 13th of August, addressed a letter to the chief
magistrate, which being designed for publication,
was itself the act he had threatened, in which he
subjoined to a detail of his accusations against the
executive, the demand of an explicit declaration
that he had never intimated to him an intention
to appeal to the people.

On the 16th this letter was answered by the
secretary of state, who, after acknowledging its
receipt by the president, added, " I am desired
to observe to you that it is not the established
course for the diplomatic characters residing here
to have any direct correspondence with him. The
secretary of state is the organ through which
their communications should pass.

" The president dots not conceive it to be
•within the line of propriety or duty, for him to
bear evidence against a declaration, which, whe-
ther made to him or others is perhaps immaterial ;
he therefore declines interfering in the case.'*

Seldom has more conclusive testimony been
offered of the ascendency which, in the conflicts

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 45 £

of party, the passions maintain over reason, than CHAP.VI.
was exhibited on this occasion by the zealous 1793
partisans of the French minister. It might have
been expected that, content with questioning the
fact, or with diverting the obloquy attending it
from the French nation, no American would have
been found hardy enough to justify it, and but
few to condemn those gentlemen by whose means
it reached the public ear. Nothing could be fur-
ther removed from this expectation, than the
conduct that was actually observed. The censure
merited by the expressions themselves fell not
upon the person who had used them, but upon
those who had communicated them to the public.
By writers of considerable political eminence,
they were declared to be members of a powerful
faction who were desirous of separating America
from France, and connecting her with England
for the purpose of introducing the British consti-
tution. They had caught, it was said, with
eagerness at some supposed misunderstanding
between the minister of that republic arid the
president ; and this stratagem had been used in
the hope that, by the popularity of the latter, the
regard for the nation of the former might be di-
minished.

As if no sin could equal the crime of disclosinig
to the people a truth which, byinducing reflection,
might check the flood of that passion for France
which was deemed the surest test of patriotism,
the darkest motives were assigned for the disclo-
sure, and the reputation of those who made it
could be rescued only by a lapse of years, and by
M m m 2

452 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, vr a change of the subjects of controversy, from
1793. the peculiar party odium with which they were at
the time overwhelmed.

Sentiments of a still more extraordinary nature
\vere openly avowed. In a republican country,
it was said, the people alone were the basis of
government. All powers being derived from
them, might, by them, be withdrawn at pleasure.
They alone were the authors of the law, and to
them alone, must the ultimate decision on the
interpretation belong. From these delicate and
popular truths, it was inferred, that the doctrine
that the sovereignty of the nation resided in the
constituted authorities was incompatible with
the principles of liberty ; and that, if Mr. Genet
dissented from the interpretation given by the
president to existing treaties, he might right-
fully appeal to the real sovereign whose agent the
president was, and to whom he was responsible
for his conduct. Is the president, it was asked,
a consecrated character, that an appeal from his
decisions must be considered criminal ? or are the
people in such a state of monarchical degradation,
that to speak of consulting them is an offence as
great as if America groaned under a dominion
equally tyrannical with the old monarchy of
France ?

It was soon ascertained that Mr. Dallas, to
whom this threat of appealing to the people was
said to have been delivered, did not admit that
the precise expressions had been used. Mr. Genet
then, in the coarsest terms, averred the falsehood
of the certificate which had been published, and

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 453

demanded from the attorney general and from the CHAP.VL
government, that Mr. Jay and Mr. King should 1793.
be indicted for a libel upon himself and his nation.
Entirely persuaded that the case would not sustain
the prosecution, and not thinking himself officially
bound to proceed against his judgment, the at-
torney general after much deliberation, declined
the measure he was urged to take ; but accom-
panied his refusal with the information that any
other gentleman of the profession, who might
approve and advise the attempt, could be at no
loss to point out a mode which would not require
his intervention.

While the minister of the French republic thus
loudly complained of the unparalleled injury he
received from being charged with employing a
particular exceptionable phrase, he seized every
fair occasion to carry into full execution the threat
which he denied having made. His letters, writ-
ten for the purpose of publication, and actually
published by himself, accused the executive,
before the tribunal of the people, on those specific
points, from its decisions respecting which he
was said to have threatened the appeal. As if the
offence lay, not in perpetrating the act, but in
avowing an intention to perpetrate it, this demon-
stration of his designs did not render his advocates
the less vehement in his support, nor the less
acrimonious in reproaching the administration,
as well as Mr. Jay and Mr. King.
Whilst insult was thus added to insult, the utmost
vigilance of the executive officers was scarcely
sufficient to maintain a full observance of the rules

454 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, vi. which had been established for preserving neu-
1793. trality in the American ports. Mr. Genet per-
sisted in refusing to acquiesce in those rules ; and
fresh instances of attempts to violate them were
continually recurring. Among these was an out-
rage committed in Boston, too flagrant to be
overlooked.

A schooner, brought as a prize into the port of
Boston by a French privateer, was claimed by
the British owner, who had legal process served
upon her, for the purpose of obtaining a decision
on the validity of her capture. After the marshal
had taken her into his possession, she was rescued
by an armed force acting under the authority
of Mr. Duplaine, the French consul, which was
detached from a frigate then lying in port. Until
the frigate sailed, she was guarded by a part of
the crew ; and notwithstanding the determination
of the American government that the consular
courts should not exercise a prize jurisdiction
within the territories of the United States, Mr.
Duplaine declared his purpose to take cognizance
of the case.

To this act of open defiance it was impossible
for the president to submit. The facts being well
attested, the exequatur which had been granted
to Mr. Duplaine was immediately revoked, and
he was forbidden further to exercise the consular
functions. It will excite surprise that even this
necessary measure could not escape censure.
The self proclaimed champions of liberty dis-
covered in it a violation of the constitution, and a
new indignity to France.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 455

Mr. Genet did not confine to maritime enter- CHAP. VL
prises his attempts to employ the force of America 179^.
against the enemies of his country. On v his first
arrival he is understood to have planned an expe-
dition against the Floridas, to be carried on from
Georgia, and another against Louisiana, to be
carried on from the western parts of the United
States. Intelligence was received that the principal
officers were engaged, and the temper of the peo-
ple inhabiting the western country was such as to
furnish some ground for the apprehension that
the restraints which the executive was capable of
imposing would be found too feeble to prevent
the execution of this plan. The remonstrances of
the Spanish commissioners on this subject, how-
ever, were answered with explicit assurances that
the government would effectually interpose to
defeat any expedition from the territories of the
United States against those of Spain ; and the
governor of Kentucky was requested to co-op-
erate in frustrating this improper application of
the military resources of his state.

It was not by the machinations of the French
minister alone that the neutrality of the United
States was endangered. The party which, under
different pretexts, urged measures the inevitable
tendency of which was war, derived considerable
aid, in their exertions to influence the passions
of the people, from the conduct of others of the
belligerent powers. The course pursued both by
Britain and Spain rendered the task of the execu-
tive still more arduous, by furnishing weapons to

456 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vi. the enemies of neutrality, capable of being wielded
1793. with great effect.

The impression made on the temper of the
American people, by the rigour with which the
maritime powers of Europe retained the monopoly
of their colonial commerce, has already been no-
ticed. Without the aid of those powerful causes
which had lately been brought into operation, the
resentments excited by these restrictions had
been directed peculiarly against Great Britain.
These resentments had been greatly increased.
That nation had not mitigated the vexations and
inconveniencies which war necessarily inflicts on
neutral trade, by such relaxations as were desired
in her colonial regulations. From that system to
which many of her statesmen suppose she is in a
great degree indebted for her grandeur and her
safety, she discovered no disposition to recede.
Decree of ^o ^is "§>id anc^ repulsive system, that of
^nvendon31 France presented a perfect contrast. Either in-
£s8S?w fluenced by the politics of the moment, or sus-

commerce, ... * i i • •

pecting that m a contest with the great maritime
nations of Europe, her commerce must search
for security in other bottoms than her own, she
opened the ports of her colonies to every neutral
flag, and offered to the United States a new treaty,
in which it was understood that every mercantile
distinction between Americans and Frenchmen
should be totally abolished.

With that hasty credulity which, obedient to
the wishes, cannot await the sober and deliberate
decisions of the judgment, the Americans ascribed
this change and these propositions to the liberal

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

genius of freedom ; and expected the new com- CHAP. vi
mercial-and political systems to be equally durable.
As if, in the term REPUBLIC, the avaricious spirit
of commercial monopoly would lose its influence
over men : as if the passions were to withdraw
from the management of human affairs, and
leave the helm to the guidance of reason and of
disinterested philanthropy ; a vast proportion of
the American people believed this novel system
to be the genuine offspring of new born liberty,
and consequently expected that, from the success
of the republican arms, a sudden flood of untried
good was to rush upon the world.

The avidity with which- the neutral merchants
pressed forward to reap the rich and tempting
harvest offered to them by the regulations and the
wants of France, presented a harvest not less
rich and tempting to the cruisers of her enemies.
Captures to a great extent were made, some with,
others without justifiable cause ; and the irritations
inseparable from disappointment in gathering the
fruits of a gainful traffic, were extensively com-
municated to the agricultural part of society.
They were rendered the more considerable by the
delays in deciding on the claims made in behalf
of friendly vessels brought in with enemy cargoes
for freight and demurrage.

The vexations commonly experienced in war
by neutrals on the ocean, were aggravated by a
measure of the British cabinet, which war was
not admitted to justify.

The vast military exertions of the French re-
public i.id carried many hands from their usual

VOL. v. N n n

458

CHAP, vi. occupations to the field, and the measures of gov-
1 793. ernment added to the internal commotions, -had dis-
couraged labour by rendering its profits insecure.
These causes, aided perhaps by unfavourable
seasons, had produced a. scarcity which threatened
to issue in famine. This state of things suggested
the policy of increasing the internal distress by
cutting off the external supply. In execution of
this plan, instructions were issued on the eighth

British of June, which authorized the British cruisers,

order of

" to stop all vessels loaded wholly or in part with
corn, flour, or meal, bound to any port in France,
or any port occupied by the armies of France, and
to send them to such ports as shall be most con-
venient, in order that such corn, meal or flour,
may be purchased on behalf of his majesty's
government, and the ships be relieved after such
purchase, and after a due allowance for freight;
or that the masters of such ships on giving due
security, to be approved by the court of admiralty,
be permitted to proceed to dispose of their car-
goes of corn, meal, or flour, in the ports of any
country in amity with his majesty."

In the particular character of the war, and in the
general expressions of some approved modern
writers on the law of nations, the British govern-
ment sought a justification of this strong measure.
But by neutrals generally, it was deemed an
unwarrantable invasion of their rights, and the
remonstrances made against it by the American
government in particular, were serious and ear-
nest. This attempt to make a principle, which
was understood to be applicable only to bl^kadecl

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

places, subservient to the impracticable plan of CHAP. vi.
starving an immense agricultural nation, was 179 3>
resisted with great strength of reasoning by the
administration; and added not inconsiderably to
the resentment felt by the body of the people.*

Hostilities on the ocean disclosed still another
source of irritation, which added its copious
stream to the irresistible torrent which threatened
to sweep America into the war that desolated
Europe.

The practice of manning their fleet by impress-
ment, was one to which the British government
had long been accustomed to resort. The exer-
cise of this prerogative had not been confined to
the land. Merehantmen in their ports, and even
at sea, were visited, and mariners were taken out
of them, to be employed in the royal navy. The
profits of trade enabling neutral merchants to give
high wages, British sailors were tempted in great
numbers to enter their service ; but the neutral
ship furnished no protection. Disregarding the
bottom in which they sailed, the officers of the
navy impressed them wherever found, often
leaving scarcely hands enough to navigate the
vessel into port.

To the abuses to which such usages are liable,,
the Americans were peculiarly exposed. Des-
cended from the same ancestors, and speaking
the same language, the distinction between them
and the English, though in general sufficiently

* See Note Ao. XI. at the end of the volume.

N nn 2

460 THE LIFE OF

CHAP- vi. marked, was not always so visible as to prevent
1793. unintentional error; nor were the captains of
ships of war at all times very solicitous to avoid
mistake. Native Americans therefore were fre-
quently impressed, and compelled to serve against
the French republic.

The British cabinet could not attempt so ex-
cessive an outrage on the sovereignty of the
United States as a justification of this measure
would have been. A right to impress real Ame-
rican citizens was disavowed ; and a willingness
to discharge them, on the establishment of their
citizenship, was officially expressed. But time was
necessary to procure the requisite testimonials ;
and those officers who had notoriously offended
in this respect, experienced no disapprobation on
the part of their government which might deter
them from a repetition of the offence. There
was too, one class of citizens, concerning whose
rights a difference of opinion prevailed, which
has not even yet been adjusted. These were
British subjects who had migrated to, and been
adopted by the United States. In Britain, as in
most other governments, the principle had, from
time immemorial, been asserted, that a subject
could never, by his own act, divest himself of
those obligations which were created at his birth.
The right therefore to impress persons of this
description was perseveringly maintained.

The continuance of the Indian war added still
another item to this catalogue of discontents.

The efforts of the United States to make a
treaty with the savages of the Miamis had proved

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 461

abortive. The negotiations, after being protracted CHAP.VI.
through the summer, terminated unfavourably. 1793.

In the spring, the American commissioners
arrived at Niagara, where they experienced from
general Simcoe the governor of Upper Canada, a
polite, and apparently, a friendly reception : but
the Indians could not meet them until July.
General Wayne was making such dispositions of
his army as would be necessary for the prosecution
of a vigorous campaign in the event of an unfa-
vourable issue to the negotiation ; and the hostile
chiefs were watching his motions instead of at-
tending the treaty. Until his movements should
be suspended, they refused to meet the agents of
the United States ; and after they had assembled,
they demanded that the Ohio should be the boun-
dary between themselves and the whites. To
this demand it was impossible to accede. An
extensive tract of country northwest of that river
had been purchased at the treaty of fort Harmar, a
part of which had been appropriated in satisfaction
of military services performed during the war of
the revolution, and a part had been sold to indi-
viduals. The American commissioners were in-
structed to contend for the lines established by that
treaty ; and, if the money paid for the purchase
of the country should be deemed inadequate, or
if other tribes than those who sold should appear
to have an interest in it, to make a liberal additional
compensation for a full cession of all rights what-
soever. These propositions, as well as others
requiring the Indians to propose some line less
favourable to the United States than that agreed

462 THE LIFE OF

CHAP.VJ. upon at fort Harmar, were finally rejected, and
1793. the savages adhered inflexibly to their claim that
rfie Ohio should be the boundary.

It was extensively believed in America, and
information collected from the Indians counten-
anced the opinion, that they were encouraged by
the government of Canada to persevere in this
claim, and that the treaty was defeated by British
influence. The conviction was universal that this
influence would continue so long as the posts south
of the lakes should be occupied by British troops ;
and the uneasiness which the detention of those
posts created, daily acquired strength. Unfortu-
nately, the original pretext for detaining them
was not yet removed. The courts of the United
States had not yet declared that British debts con-
tracted before the war were recoverable. In one
of the circuits a decision had been recently made,
partly favourable and partly unfavourable to the
claim of the creditor. To this decision writs of
error had been brought, and the case was depend-
ing before the supreme court. The motives there-
fore originally assigned for holding the posts on the
lakes still remained ; and as it was a maxim with
the executive " to place an adversary clearly in
the wrong," and as it was expected that the ex-
isting impediments to a fulfilment of the treaty
on their part would soon be done away, it was
thought unadvisable, had the military force of the
union even been equal to the object, to seize those
posts until their surrender could be required in
consequence of a complete execution of the treaty.
In the mean time, the British minister was ear-

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 453

nestly pressed upon the subject. This prudent CHAP, vr
conduct was far from, being satisfactory to the 1793.
people. Estimating at nothing, infractions made
by themselves, and rating highly those committed
by the opposite party, they would, in any state
of things, have complained loudly of this act of
the British government. But, agitated as they
were by the various causes which were perpetually
acting on their passions, it is not wonderful that
an increased influence was given to this measure, '
that it should be considered as conclusive testi-
mony of British hostility, and should add to the
bitterness with which the government was re-
proached for attempting a system "alike friendly
and impartial to the belligerent powers."

The causes of discontent which were furnished
by Spain, though less the theme of public decla-
mation, continued to be considerable.

The American ministers at Madrid could make ,
no progress in their negotiation. The question
of limits therefore remained unsettled, and the
Mississippi was still closed against the Americans.
In addition to these subjects of disquiet, the
southern states were threatened with war from the
Creeks and Cherokees, who were, with good rea-
son, believed to be excited to hostility by the
Spanish government. Of these irritating differ,
cnces, the occlusion of the Mississippi was far the
most operative, and the most embarrassing. The
imagination, especially when warmed by dis-
content, bestows on a good which is with-held,
advantages much greater than the reality will jus-
tify ; and the people of the western country were

464 THE LttE OF

CHAP, vi. easily persuaded to believe that the navigation of
1793. the Mississippi was a mine of wealth which would
at once enrich them, by furnishing for the
abundant productions of their fertile soil, a sud-
den and a high market. That jealousy which men
so readily entertain of the views of those with
whom they do not associate, had favoured the
efforts made by the enemies of the administration,
to circulate the opinion that an opposition of in-
terests existed between the eastern and the western
people, and that the endeavours of the executive
to open their great river were feeble and insincere.
At a meeting of the democratic society in Lex-
ington in Kentucky, this sentiment was unani-
mously avowed in terms of peculiar disrespect to
the government ; and a committee was appointed
to open a correspondence with the inhabitants of
the whole western country, for the purpose of
uniting them on this all important subject, and
of preparing on it a remonstrance to the presi-
dent and congress of the United States, to be ex-
pressed " in the bold, decent and determined Ian-
guage, proper to be used by injured freemen when
they address the servants of the people." They
claimed much merit for their moderation in having
thus long, out of regard to their government, and
affection for their fellow citizens on the Atlantic,
abstained from the use of those means which they
possessed for the assertion of what they termed
a natural and unalienable right ; and seemed to
indicate the opinion that this forbearance could
not be long continued. Without regarding the
determination of Spain in the case, or the poverty

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

of the means placed in the hands of the executive
for inducing a change in this determination, they 1793.
demanded from the government the free use of
the Mississippi, as if only an act of the will was
necessary to ensure it to them. These intempe-
rate dispositions were not moderated or restrained
by the apprehension that the public expression of
them might perpetuate the evil by encouraging the
hope that its continuance would separate the people
from their government and dismember the union.
This restless uneasy temper gave additional im-
portance to the project of an expedition against
Louisiana which had been formed by Mr. Genet.
These public causes for apprehending hostil-
ities * with Spain, were strengthened by private

* The state of affairs was so inauspicious to the contin-
uance of peace that in a letter written in the month of June,
to the secretary of war, the president thus expressed himself-
" It is of great importance that this government should be
fully informed of the Spanish force in the Floridas, the troops
which have lately arrived, the number of their posts, and the
strength and situation of each ; together with such other cir-
cumstances as would enable it to adopt correspondent mea-
sures, in case we should, in spite of our endeavours to
avoid it, get embroiled with that nation. It would be too
improvident, might be too late, and certainly would be dis-
graceful, to have this information to obtain when our plans
ought to be formed." After suggesting the propriety of
making the proper inquiries in a particular channel, he added,
" I point you to the above as one source only of information.
My desire to obtain knowledge of these facts leads me to re-
quest with equal earnestness, that you would improve every
other to ascertain them with certainty. No reasonable ex-
pense should be spared to accomplish objects of such mag-
nitude in times so critical."

VOL. V. O O O

466 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, vi, communications. From their ministers abroad,
1793. the executive had received intelligence that pro-
positions had been made by the cabinet of Madrid
to that of London, the object of which was the
United States. The precise nature of these pro-
positions was not ascertained, but it was under-
stood generally that their tendency was hostile.

Under circumstances thus unfavourable to the
pacific views of the executive was congress to
assemble.

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 457

CHAPTER. VII.

Meeting of congress.. .President's speech. ..His message* on
the subject of the foreign relations of the United States../ -
Report of the secretary of state in relation to the com-
merce of the United States. -He resigns. ..Is succeeded by-
Mr. Randolph. ..Mr. Madison's resolutions founded on the
above report. ..Debate thereon. ..Debates on the subject of a
navy. ..An embargo law-. .Mr. Jay appointed envoy extraor-
dinary to Great Britain. ..Inquiry into the conduct of the
secretary of the treasury, terminates honourably to him...
Internal taxes laid.. .Congress adjourns.

A malignant fever, believed to be infectious,
had, through part of the summer and autumn,
visited with severe affliction the city of Philadel-
phia, and dispersed the officers of the executive
government. Lest the dread of this tremendous
scourge should deter the national legislature from
assembling, the president suggested for the con-
sideration of his cabinet, the idea of convening
congress at some other place. The opinion that
the proposed measure was not sanctioned by the
constitution seemed to prevail, and the cessation
of the fever rendered it less necessary. Such was
the active zeal of parties, and such the universal
expectation that important executive communica-
tions would be made, and that legislative measures
not less important would be founded on them. Meeting of
that notwithstanding the fear of contagion was"'
fur from being completely dispelled, both houses
were full on the first day, and a joint committee
waited on the president with the usual informa-
o o o 2

468 '1'HE LIFE OF

CHAP. vn. tion that they were ready to receive his com-
1793. munications.

On the fourth of December, at twelve, the
president met both houses in the senate chamber.
*His speech was moderate, firm, dignified, and
interesting. It commenced with his own re-elec-
tion, his feelings at which were thus expressed....

fpeS1'1 s " Since the commencement of the term for
which I have been again called into office, no fit
occasion has arisen for expressing to my fellow
citizens' at large, the deep and respectful sense
which I feel of the renewed testimony of public
approbation. While on the one hand, it awakened
my gratitude for all those instances of affectionate
partiality with which I have been honoured by
my country ; on the other, it could not prevent
an earnest wish for that retirement, from which
no private consideration should ever have torn
me. But, influenced by the belief that my con-
duct would be estimated according to its real
motives, and that the people, and the authorities
derived from them, would support exertions
having nothing personal for their object, I have
obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to
resume the executive power ; and I humbly im-
plore that Being on whose will the fate of nations
depends, to crown with success our mutual
endeavours for the general happiness. "

Passing to those measures which had been
adopted by the executive for the regulation of
its conduct towards the belligerent nations, he
observed, " as soon as the war in Europe had
embraced those powers with whom the United

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

States have the most extensive relations, there CHA»--

was reason to apprehend that our intercourse with 1793.
them might be interrupted, and our disposition
for peace drawn into question by suspicions too
often entertained by belligerent nations. It seemed
therefore to be my duty to admonish our citizens
of the consequence of a contraband trade, and of
hostile acts to any of the parties ; and to obtain,
by a declaration of the existing state of things, an
easier admission of our rights to the immunities
belonging to our situation. Under these impres-
sions the proclamation which will be laid before
you was issued.

"In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate,
I resolved to adopt general rules, which should
conform to the treaties, and assert the privileges
of the United States. These were reduced into
a system, which shall be communicated to you."

After suggesting those legislative provisions
on this subject, the necessity of which had been
pointed out by experience, he proceeded to say.
" I cannot recommend to your notice mea-
sures for the fulfilment of our duties to the rest
of the world, without again pressing upon you
the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition
of complete defence, and of exacting from them
the fulfilment of their duties towards us. The
United States ought not to indulge a persuasion
that, contrary to the order of human events, they
will forever keep at a distance those painful
appeals to arms with which the history of every
other nation abounds. There is a rank due to the
United States among nations which will be with-

470 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, vii. held, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of
1793. weakness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must
be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace...
one of the most powerful instruments of our
prosperity,... it must be known that we are, at all
times, ready for war."

These observations were followed by a recom-
mendation to augment the supply of arms and
ammunition in the magazines, arid to improve the
militia establishment.

After referring to a communication to be sub-
sequently made for occurrences relative to the
connexion of the United States with Europe,
which had, he said, become extremely interesting;
and after reviewing Indian affairs, he particularly
addressed the house of representatives. Having
presented to them in detail some subjects of which
it was proper they should be informed, he added ;
,v.'*no pecuniary consideration is more urgent
than the regular redemption and discharge of the
public debt; on none can delay be more injurious,
or an economy of time more valuable.

" The productiveness of the public revenues
hitherto has continued to be equal to the antici-
pations which were formed of it; but it is not
expected to prove commensurate with all the
objects which have been suggested. Some aux-
iliary provisions will therefore, it is presumed, be
requisite; and it is hoped that these may be made
consistently with a due regard to the convenience
of our citizens, who cannot but be sensible of
the true wisdom of encountering a small present

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

addition to their contributions, to obviate a future CHAP. vn.
accumulation of burdens." 1793.

The speech was concluded with the following
impressive exhortation.

"The several subjects to which I have now
referred, open a wide range to your deliberations,
and involve some of the choicest interests of our
common country. Permit me to bring to your
remembrance the magnitude of your task. With-
out an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the
government may be hazarded ; without harmony,
as far as consists with freedom of sentiment, its
dignity may be lost. But, as the legislative pro-
ceedings of the United States will never, I trust,
be reproached for the want of temper, or of can-
dour, so shall not the public happiness languish
from the want of my strenuous and warmest
co-operation."

The day succeeding that on which this speech His message

' on the subject

was delivered, a special message was sent to lx>thof,tbfforeiF1

relations of

houses, containing some of the promised co
munications relative to the connexion of the
United States with foreign powers.

After suggesting as a motive for this commu-
nication that it not only disclosed " matter of
interesting inquiry to the legislature," but,
" might indeed give rise to deliberations to which
they alone were competent;" the president added
..."the representative and executive bodies of
France have manifested generally a friendly attach-
ment to this country ; have given advantages to
our commerce and navigation ; and have made
overtures for placing these advantages on perma-

472 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, vn. nent ground. A decree however of the national
1793, assembly, subjecting vessels laden with provisions
to be carried into their ports, and making enemy
goods lawful prize in the vessel of a friend, con-
trary to our treaty, though revoked at one time as
to the United States, has been since extended to
their vessels also, as has been recently stated to
us. Representations on the subject will be im-
mediately given in charge to our minister there,
and the result shall be communicated to the
legislature.

"It is with extreme concern I have to inform
you that the person whom they have unfortunately
appointed their minister plenipotentiary here, has
breathed nothing of the friendly spirit of the
nation which sent him. * Their tendency on the
contrary has been to involve us in a war abroad,
and discord and anarchy at home. So far as his
acts, or those of his agents, have threatened an
immediate commitment in the war, or flagrant
insult to the authority of the laws, their effect has
been counteracted by the ordinary cognizance of
the laws, and by an exertion of the powers con-
fided to me. Where their danger was not immi-
nent, they have been borne with, from sentiments
of regard to his nation, from a sense of their
friendship towards us, from a conviction that they
would not suffer us to remain long exposed to the
actions of a person who has so little respected our
mutual dispositions, and, I will add, from a re-
liance on the firmness of my fellow citizens in
their principles of peace and order. In the mean
time I have respected and pursued the stipulations

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 473

of our treaties according to what I judged their CHAP. vn.
true sense, and have withheld no act of friendship 1793.
which their affairs have called for from us, and
which justice to others left us free to perform. I
have gone further. Rather than employ force for
the restitution of certain vessels which I deemed
the United States bound to restore, I thought it
more advisable to satisfy the parties by avowing
it to be my opinion, that, if restitution were
not made, it would be incumbent on the United
States to make compensation."

The message next proceeded to state that in-
quiries had been instituted respecting the vexa-
tions and spoliations committed on the commerce
of the United States, the result of which when
received would be communicated.

The order issued by the British government on
the eighth of June, and the measures taken by the
executive of the United States in consequence
thereof, were briefly noticed ; and the discussions
which had taken place in relation to the non-exe-
eiition of the treaty of peace were also mentioned.
The message was then concluded with a reference
to the negotiations with Spain, *' the public
good," it was said "requiring that the present
state of these should be made known to the legis-
lature in confidence only, they would be the sub-
ject of a separate and subsequent communication."

This message was accompanied with copies of
the correspondence between the secretary of state
and the French minister, on the points of differ-
ence which subsisted between the two govern-
ments, together with several documents necessary

VOL. v. p p p

474 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vn. for the establishment of particular facts, and with

if93. the letter written by Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Morris,

which justified the conduct of the United States

by arguments too clear to be misunderstood, and

too strong ever to be encountered.

The extensive discussions which had taken
place relative to the inexecution of the treaty of
peace, and the correspondence occasioned by the
objectionable measures which had been adopted
by the British government during the existing
war, were also laid before the legislature.

In a popular government, the representatives
of the people may generally be considered as a
mirror, reflecting truly the passions and feelings
which govern their constituents. In the late
elections, the strength of parties had been tried ;
and the opposition had derived so much aid from,
associating the cause of France with its own
principles, as to furnish much reason to suspect
that, in one branch of the legislature at least, it
had become the majority. The first act of the
house of representatives served to strengthen this
suspicion. By each party a candidate for the
chair was brought forward ; and Mr. Muhlenberg,
who was supported by the opposition, was elected
by a majority often votes, against Mr. Sedgewic
whom the federalists supported.

The answer however to the speech of the presi-
dent, wore no tinge of that malignant and furious
spirit which had infused itself into the publica-
tions of the day. Breathing the same affectionate
attachment to his person and character which had
been professed in other times, and being approved

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 475

by every part of the house, it indicated that the CHAP. vn.
leaders at least, still venerated their chief magis-
trate, and that no general intention as yet existed,
to involve him in the obloquy directed against his
measures.

Noticing that unanimous suffrage by which he
had been again called to his present station, " it
was," they said, " with equal sincerity and promp-
titude they embraced the occasion for expressing
to him their congratulations on so distinguished
a testimony of public approbation, and their en-
tire confidence in the purity and patriotism of the
motives which had produced this obedience to the
voice of his country. It is" proceeded the ad-
dress, " to virtues which have commanded long
and universal reverence, and services from which
have flowed great and lasting benefits, that the
tribute of praise may be paid without the reproach
of flattery ; and it is from the same sources
that the fairest anticipations may be derived in
favour of the public happiness."

In guarded terms the proclamation of neutrality
was approved ; and the topics of the speech were
noticed in a manner which indicated dispositions
cordially to co-operate with the executive.

On the part of the senate also, the answer to
the speech was unfeignedly affectionate. In warm
terms they expressed the pleasure which the re-
election of the president gave them ; "in the
unanimity," they added, "which a second time
marks this important national act, we trace with
particular satisfaction, besides the distinguished
tribute paid to the virtues and abilities which it
F p p 2

476 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vn. recognizes, another proof of that just discern-
1793. ment, and constancy of sentiments and views,
which have hitherto characterized the citizens of
the United States." Speaking of the proclama-
tion, they declared it to be "a measure well
timed and wise, manifesting a watchful solicitude
for the welfare of the nation, and calculated to
promote it."

In a few days, a confidential message was deliv-
ered, communicating the critical situation of affairs
with Spain. The negotiations attempted with
that power in regard to the interesting objects of
boundary, navigation, and commerce, had been
exposed to much delay and embarrassment, in
consequence of the changes which the French
revolution had effected in the political state of
Europe. Meanwhile, the neighbourhood of the
Spanish colonies to the United States had given
rise to various other subjects of discussion, one of
which had assumed a very serious aspect.

Having the best reason to suppose that the open
war which was threatened by the southern Indians,
and the hostilities actually committed by them
were excited by the agents of Spain, the presi-
dent had directed the American commissioners at
Madrid to make the proper representations on the
subject, and to propose that each nation should,
with good faith, promote the peace of the other
with these savage neighbours.

About the same time, the Spanish government
entertained, or affected to entertain, correspond-
ing suspicions of like hostile excitements by the
Agents of the United States, to disturb their

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 477

peace with the same nations. The representations CHAP. vn.
which were induced by these real or affected 1793.
suspicions, were accompanied with pretensions,
and made in a style, to which the American exe-
cutive could not be inattentive. His catholic
majesty asserted these claims as a patron and pro-
tector of those Indians, assumed a mediation be-
tween them and the United States, and a right to
interfere in the establishment of their boundaries.
At length, in the very moment when those savages
were committing daily inroads on the American
frontier, at the instigation of Spain as was believed,
the representatives of that power, complaining
of the aggressions of American citizens on the
Indians, declared " that the continuation of the
peace, good harmony, and perfect friendship of the
two nations, was very problematical for the future,
unless the United States should take more conve-
nient measures, and of greater energy than those
adopted for a long time past."

The previous correspondence with the Spanish
commissioners, had worn, in the opinion of the
executive, the appearance of a disposition to urge
a disagreement ; and this last declaration seemed
to leave no room to doubt it. A special mes-
senger therefore was immediately dispatched to
Madrid, with instructions to the American com-
missioners to require such explanations from the
government of that country, as would clearly as-
certain its intentions in this respect. While these
explanations were expected, the representatives of
the Spanish crown at Philadelphia, perceiving the
impression which their last communication had

478 THE LIFE OF

CHAP. vii. made, endeavoured to abate it by professions of
1793. a conciliatory character.

Notwithstanding the zeal and enthusiasm with
which the pretensions of the French republic, as
asserted by their minister, continued to be sup-
ported out of doors, they found no open advocate
in either branch of the legislature. That this
circumstance is, in a great measure, to be ascribed
to the temperate conduct of the executive, and
to the convincing arguments with which its deci-
sions were supported, ought not to be doubted.
But when it is recollected that the odium which
these decisions excited, sustained no diminution;
that the accusation of hostility to France and to
liberty, which originated in them, was not re-
tracted ; that, when afterwards many of the
controverted claims were renewed by France,
her former advocates still adhered to her ; it is
not unreasonable to suppose that other considera-
tions mingled themselves with the conviction
which the correspondence laid before the legis-
lature was well calculated to produce.

An attack on the administration could be placed
on no ground more disadvantageous than on its
controversy with Mr. Genet. The conduct and
language of that minister were offensive to reflect-
ing men of all parties. The president had him-
self taken so decisive a part in favour of the mea-
sures which had been adopted, that they must
be ascribed to him, not to his cabinet ; and, of
consequence, the whole weight of his personal
character must be directly encountered, in an
attempt to censure those measures. From this

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 479

censure it would have been difficult to have extri- CHAP. vn.
cated the person who was contemplated by the 1793.
party in opposition as its chief; for the secretary
of state had urged the arguments of the admin-
istration with a degree of ability and earnestness,
which ought to have silenced the suspicion that
he might not feel their force.

The expression of a legislative opinion, in favour
of the points insisted on by the French minister,
would probably have involved the nation in a
calamitous war, the whole responsibility for which
would rest on them.

To these considerations was added another
which could not be disregarded. The party in
France to which Mr. Genet owed his appointment
had lost its power, and his fall was the inevitable
eonsequence of the fall of his patrons. That he
would probably be succeeded in his diplomatic
character by some other person was known in
America ; and that his conduct had been disap-
proved by his government was generally believed
The future system of the French republic with
regard to the United States could not be foreseen ;
and it would be committing something to hazard,
not to wait its development.

To an indulgence of the partialities and prejudices
of the nation towards the belligerent powers, in
measures suggested by its resentment against
Great Britain, many of these objections did not
exist. Neither the opinions of the president,
nor secretary of state, could be quoted against
them, nor was any thing to be apprehended from
the subsequent system which might be adopted by

480 THE LIFE OF

CHAP, vii. the English government. But, independent oi
1793. these considerations, it is scarcely possible to
doubt that congress really approved the conduct of
the executive with regard to France, and was also
convinced that a course of hostility had been pur-
sued by Great Britain which the national interest
and the national honour required them to repel. In
the irritable state of the public temper, it was not
difficult to produce this opinion.

In addition to the causes of dissatisfaction with
Great Britain which have already been suggested,
others soon occurred. Under her auspices, a
truce for one year had been lately negotiated be-
tween Portugal and the regency of Algiers, which,
by withdrawing a small squadron stationed during
the war by the former power in the Streights,
opened to the cruisers of the latter a passage into
the Atlantic. The capture of American merchant-
men, which was the immediate consequence of
this measure, was believed, in the United States,
to have been its motive. Not admitting the
possibility that a desire to extricate Portugal from
a war unproductive of any advantages, and to
leave her maritime force free to act elsewhere,
could have induced this interposition of England,
the Americans ascribed it exclusively to that
enmity to their commerce, and to that jealousy of
its prosperity, which had, as they conceived, long
marked the conduct of those who administered
the affairs of that nation.

This transaction was afterwards explained by
England, and was ascribed to her desire to serve

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

an ally, and to enable her to act more efficaciously CHAP. VH.
in a common cause.

From governments accustomed to trust rather
to artifice than to force or to reason, and influenced
by vindictive passions which they have not strength
or courage to gratify, hostility may be expected
to exert itself in a cruel insidious policy, which
unfeelingly dooms individuals to chains, and in-
volves them in ruin, without having a tendency
to effect any national object. But the British
character rather wounds by its pride, and offends
by its haughtiness and open violence, than injures
by the secret indulgence of a malignant, but a
paltry and unprofitable revenge : and, certainly,
such unworthy motives ought not lightly to be
imputed to a great and magnanimous nation,
which dares to encounter a world, and risk its
existence, for the preservation of its station in
the scale of empires, of its real independence, and
of its liberty.

But in believing the views of the British cabi-
net to be unfriendly to the United States, America
was perhaps not entirely mistaken. Indeed, dis-
positions of a different nature could not reasonably
have been expected. It may be denied, but can-
not be disguised, that the sentiments openly
expressed by a great majority of the American
people, warranted the opinion that, notwithstand-
ing the exertions of the administration, they were
about to arrange themselves in the war on the side
of France. In a government like that of the
United States, no firmness on the part of the
chief magistrate can long resist the current of

VOL. v. <^q q

482 THE LIFE OF " f*

CHAP, vn. popular opinion ; and that opinion, without pro*
1793. fessing it, unquestionably led to war.

If the character of the British minister at
Philadelphia is to be collected from his intercourse
with the executive of the country to which he
was deputed, there is reason to suppose that his
communications to his own government were not
calculated to diminish the impression which the
evidence furnished on this subject by the American
people themselves, would naturally make. It is
therefore not improbable, whatever may be the
permanent views of England respecting the com-
mercial prosperity of the United States, that the
measures taken about this time by the British
cabinet, contemplated a war between the two
nations as a probable event.

^e2ryote Early in the session a report was made by the

state in rela- . .

secretary of state, in pursuance of a resolution of

f

the united tne house of representatives passed on the 23d of
February 1791, requiring him "to report to con-
gress the nature and extent of the privileges and
restrictions of the commercial intercourse of the
United States with foreign nations, and the mea-
sures which he should think proper to be adopted
for the improvement of the commerce and navi-
gation of the same."

This report stated the exports of the United
States in articles of their own produce and manu-
facture at nineteen millions, five hundred and
eighty seven thousand, and fifty five dollars ; and
the imports at nineteen millions, eight hundred
and twenty three thousand, and sixty dollars. >

Of the exports, nearly one half was carried to.
the kingdom of Great Britain and its dominions ;

commerce o
the Un
States.

GEORGE WASHINGTON". 4gg

x>f the imports, about four fifths were brought from CHAP, vit
the same countries. The American shipping
amounted to two hundred and seventy seven thou-
sand, five hundred and nineteen tons, of which
not quite one sixth was employed in the trade with
Great Britain and its dominions.

In all the nations of Europe, most of the articles
produced in the United States were subjected to
heavy duties, and some of them were prohibited.
In England, the trade of the United States was
in the general on as good a footing as the trade
of other countries; and several articles * were
more favoured than the same articles of the growth
of other countries.

On the subject of navigation, the regulations
of the British government were peculiarly offen-
sive. By their celebrated act passed in the reign
of Charles II. foreign vessels were permitted to
bring into the European ports of that kingdom,
articles which were the growth or manufacture of
the country to which the vessel belonged, but
this privilege was not extended to the colonies.
By an act subsequent to the recognition of Ame-
rican independence, the crown was authorized to
extend this principle to the vessels of the United
States, and the extension had been made from
year to year, by proclamation. The insecurity of
the tenure by which this right was held, produced
a discrimination between American and other

* Pot and pearl ashes, bar iron, woods of every kind, and
tar and pitch.

484 THE L1FE OF

CHAP, vn. foreign bottoms, which, though hitherto inope-
1793. rative in fact, was irritating in its tendencies.

It was also a singular trait in the character of
the commerce between the United States and
Great Britain, that of the commodities of the
former imported into the latter, a great proportion
Was re-exported, subject of course to the charges
of intermediate deposit and double voyage;...
charges which were termed useless, and a con-
tinuance of which was dictated neither by reason
nor by national interest.

Having reviewed the restrictions on the com-
merce and navigation of the United States, the
attention of congress was next directed to the best
mode of removing or counteracting them.

As to commerce, two methods occurred.

First. By friendly arrangements with the several
nations with whom these restrictions exist : or
Sndly, by separate legislative acts for countervail-
ing their effects.

A decided preference was given to friendly
arrangements. "Instead of embarrassing com-
merce under piles of regulating laws, duties and
prohibitions," it was desirable that it should
" be relieved from all its shackles in all parts of
the world. Would even a single nation begin
with the United States this system of free com-
merce, it would be advisable to begin it with that
nation. But should any nation, contrary to the
wishes of America, suppose it may better find
its advantages by continuing its system of pro-
hibitions, duties, and re